The Chelsea FC statement that is not what it seems

27th February 2022

Last night – at 6.45pm on Saturday – Chelsea Football Club unexpectedly published this statement:

In terms of media coverage, the statement could not have been timed better.

It was early enough to be just about picked by the Sunday newspapers, but late enough to avoid lengthy scrutiny.

And it was at that time on a Saturday that those on Twitter are expecting ‘breaking’ stories.

Accordingly, the statement was quickly taken (and shared) by many in news and sports media as being significant.

This apparent significance also seemed warranted by the content of the statement, which I publish below (with sentences split out):

“Statement from Club Owner Roman Abramovich

“During my nearly 20-year ownership of Chelsea FC, I have always viewed my role as a custodian of the Club, whose job it is ensuring that we are as successful as we can be today, as well as build for the future, while also playing a positive role in our communities.

“I have always taken decisions with the Club’s best interest at heart.

“I remain committed to these values.

“That is why I am today giving trustees of Chelsea’s charitable Foundation the stewardship and care of Chelsea FC.

“I believe that currently they are in the best position to look after the interests of the Club, players, staff, and fans.”

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Let us look at what this actually says.

One phrase which stands out is “stewardship and care” – which Abramovich is “giving” to the “trustees of Chelsea’s charitable Foundation”.

Two sentences before that phrase – deftly – this is framed as a “decision”.

This looks solemn and legally meaningful.

But.

The statement has no legal meaning at all.

Indeed, it would seem that the statement was crafted deliberately so as to give the impression that something legally significant was happening – a “decision” to transfer a thing to “trustees” – when nothing legally significant was happening at all.

This is PR – and this is what you get when you can afford expensive and wily PRs.

And it had the desired effect:

And there were many excited tweets from those in news media who should have known better suggesting the statement said something important.

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The phrase “stewardship and care” looks like it should be a legal phrase.

It is similar to, say, “duty of care” (which is a legal term of art) – and “stewardship” has a nice legal-ish comforting ring to it.

But it is flapdoodle.

What one transfers to trustees is not “stewardship and care” but ownership of property.

The trustees then – literally – hold that property on trust on behalf of beneficiaries.

But if you look at the Chelsea FC statement there is no property been passed to trustees.

The word “trustees” is, in effect, a misdirection.

They may as well be assistant referees or physiotherapists, for their title is – strictly speaking – irrelevant to what is being described

It is very skilfully put-together statement for journalists and others in a hurry.

And only those with a background in commercial and trusts law would realise immediately that the statement did not actually say what it seemed to say.

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This does not mean that the fact of such a statement is not without its own significance.

There would be a purpose to such a statement at such a time: statements like this are not randomly put out at 6.45pm on a Saturday when Russia is invading Ukraine.

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Of course: there is nothing wrong about retaining ownership of Chelsea FC – even from my perspective as an Aston Villa supporter.

It is certainly not defamatory to say that Abramovich remains as much the owner of Chelsea FC after this statement as he was before.

(And we would especially like to welcome all the representatives of London’s defamation law enforcement community who have chosen to join us here on the law and policy blog at this time.)

Nothing on this blog should be taken to mean that one should think any worse of anyone involved – indeed, this post registers admiration at a such a perfectly deft exercise in PR.

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The polity and the media

9th February 2022

There have been various communications revolutions in human history.

One, of course, is the development of human language – though we are still working out the extent to which this actually separates us from other animals capable of complex communications.

Another was the notion – which we appear not have had for most of the history of our species – that language can be written down and thereby stored or sent long distances.

This notion was instrumental in the development of more complex societies, as it meant for example than laws could be recorded and conveyed other than by oral tradition and transmission.

And about five hundred years ago, the development of movable type meant that things could get published and circulated on a scale that would not have been possible in days of manual reproduction of texts.

The most recent radical change in communication is one with which many reading this blog will be familiar.

In our lifetimes, when we were young, it was difficult-to-impossible to communicate with and publish to the world – unless you went through the gatekeepers of established newspapers, publishing houses or established broadcasters.

Yes: you could, perhaps, publish a vanity book, or pamphleteer outside McDonalds, or launch a pirate radio station in the North Sea.

But short of such extreme exertions, it was hard – as recently as the 1990s – to publish or broadcast whatever you wanted to the world.

And now, by reason of the internet and easy-to-use platforms, anyone with an online connection can, in principle, publish or broadcast on the widest possible scale.

We are now perhaps so familiar with this change that we forget how radical a shift this is.

And we are still reckoning the consequences.

One consequence is that our conventional ideas of politics and media are shifting – and we do not know for certain what will happen next.

The lack of gatekeepers on political discourse has a relationship with the populism-supporting figures such as Johnson and Trump.

Traditional mediating vehicles of transmission and participation – say, political parties and newspapers – are now in many respects redundant in these days of direct connections.

The law itself struggles to keep up – and our laws on social media are a hotchpotch of the unrealistic and outdated, but these laws also have no obvious alternative.

One hobgoblin of law and policy thinking is that nothing is new – we can see that the same will happen as before, as long as we know the right precedents.

How will our polity will be affected by these fundamental changes in politics, media and communications?

Will it mean a more liberal future?

Or a more authoritarian one?

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A critical, general overview of the Sue Gray investigation

15th January 2022

This post brings together my posts and tweets relating to the Sue Gray investigation in to the Downing Street parties during lockdown, as well as some new thoughts, into a single general overview.

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There are a couple of preliminary points worth making.

First, investigations like this – and other such forms of ad hoc inquiry – can be signs of an unhealthy polity.

(I argued this in the Financial Times back in 2014 and on this blog last year.)

This is because many inquiries, and most demands for inquiries, are also implicit admissions of State failure.

The admission of failure is that the other permanent elements of the State – primarily the executive, the police, the permanent regulators, the ombudsman system, the legislature, and the judiciary – have all failed in their roles.

If these elements of the State had done their job properly at the time – or been allowed to do their job properly at the time – then there would be less need for ad hoc inquiries after the event.

Every demand that there ‘should be an inquiry’ is also an implicit acceptance that the elements of State with the legitimacy and the purpose to supervise and scrutinise have been deficient.

And as this blog has also averred, often those put at the head of such investigations and inquiries are not sufficiently experienced or well-suited to obtain evidence which those facing scrutiny are unwilling to provide.

(In particular, judges and barristers spend most of their careers looking at documentary evidence which has been helpfully ascertained and compiled by others, rather than ever digging out the raw evidence for themselves.)

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The second preliminary point is that ad hoc inquiries usually suit politicians and others with public power – especially if those inquiries do not have powers to compel evidence which would otherwise not need to be given.

Here it helps to think of the techie phrase Garbage In, Garbage Out (GIGO).

Most inquiries and investigations are only as good as the evidence – documents and testimony and so on – available to them.

If you control the flow of evidence in to the process, you often have significant influence of the ‘findings’ and ‘conclusions’ that come out of the other end.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

The eye-opener for me on this was when I was a central government lawyer about fifteen-or-so years ago.

I met other central government lawyers who explained how on inquiry work they would work backwards from what they wanted to achieve to the terms of reference of the inquiry so as to ensure they put in the evidence that would tend to the desired outcome.

And the government and others with public power (for example the police) have access to many good specialised lawyers who know how to game the inquiry system like this.

This is not necessarily wrong – it is the job of a lawyer to understand the rules of procedure and of evidence in respect of any process on which they advise.

But it is certainly contrary to the naive view that an inquiry will somehow magically find all the information that will enable it to come to some desired scathing conclusion.

And when the inquiry does not reach a scathing conclusion, the reaction is often that those doing the inquiry have deliberately sought to do a ‘white wash’.

Whilst in reality, the apparent ‘white wash’ is because of what happens with the supply of evidence in the first place.

If you control input the evidence, you will tend to control the output.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

And that is why any worthwhile inquiry or investigation always needs to be independent of those facing scrutiny and why there needs to be powers to obtain information that those facing scrutiny will not want to provide.

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Now we come to the Sue Gray investigation, the terms of reference of which are published here (I am assuming they have not been amended) – and these terms of reference should be read by everyone following this investigation.

You will see that the investigation was to be conducted by the Cabinet Secretary.

It is not unusual for the Cabinet Secretary (who is the head of the domestic civil service and reports directly to the Prime Minister) to be asked by a Prime Minister to conduct investigations into central government matters.

Within the domestic civil service the Cabinet Secretary has unique authority, although – ultimately – he or she will not be independent of the Prime Minister.

But the Cabinet Secretary is not now conducting this investigation.

This is because the Cabinet Secretary attended a gathering which is part of the investigation.

And so an investigation which sort-of-makes-sense when conducted by the head of the domestic civil service who reports directly to the Prime Minister has been passed to another civil servant who does not (at least not as part of their day job).

Sue Gray has a reputation for being independently minded.

(And note: you should be careful of hoping that this reputation means she will be necessarily critical of ministers – for a genuinely independently minded person will also be independent from the loud clamour of ministerial critics.)

But that a civil servant has a personal reputation for being independently minded does not and cannot make them structurally independent.

She is a senior civil servant – but she is not the most senior, not even within her own department of the Cabinet Office.

And so we have a problem – a type of investigation that was envisaged for the very head of the civil service now being done by a more junior colleague.

And she is investigating her own colleagues some of whom may be at the same level as her and some – like Simon Case – more senior.

The investigation is also into special advisers and others who will be close associates of her ministerial bosses.

There has long been a problem with the non-transparent and closed nature of Cabinet Secretary investigations  – but at least they sort-of-made-sense, but this arrangement must be even more unsatisfactory.

But, as this blog recently contended, the politically charged nature now accorded to this investigation would make inappropriate for any particular civil servant, let alone one who is not the Cabinet Secretary.

It is an investigation that ministers are hiding behind to avoid ministerial accountability to the House of Commons, and her report may topple (or ‘clear’) a sitting Prime Minister.

For all her merits, Sue Gray is not – and should not – be a crucial element of the constitution.

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Now we come to the structural problems of the investigation.

And here, even before we come to this investigation’s Terms of Reference, there are a number of issues:-

Gray cannot make a determination as to whether there is criminal liability, as she is not a court.

Gray cannot make an independent assessment of the application of non-legal guidance to her colleagues as she is not independent – and some of those being investigated are more senior in the civil service than she is.

Gray cannot compel testimony and documents – or even full disclosure – from any of those involved.

And Gray cannot determine whether the prime minister or another minister is in breach of the ministerial code, as she is not the prime minister.

None of these are her fault, and none of these are criticisms of any decisions she has made or not made.

These structural issues instead arise simply from the nature of the investigation she has been charged with.

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And now we come to the Terms of Reference.

If you read these carefully then you will see that there is even less scope for there to be any severe criticism published.

Any finding of apparent misconduct by any particular, named civil servant should not feature – for that will be a Human Resources issue (and that is only right, as there needs to be due process).

Here the reference to “the investigations will establish whether individual disciplinary action is warranted” has to be read with “any specific HR action against individuals will remain confidential”  – and so there may be nothing published of particularised substance on any actual breaches, as they will be part of subsequent internal proceedings.

There is mention of making “reference to adherence to the guidance in place at the time” – but this may not mean a great deal.

The word “reference” here can mean little more than the guidance will be read and perhaps mentioned.

There is no express requirement under the Terms of Reference for Gray to apply the guidance to the facts so as to ascertain whether there has been any breaches.

Gray may do so – and if she is independently minded, she may indeed do so – but there is no requirement for her to do so.

All she is required to do so is to “establish swiftly a general understanding of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose”.

Note the “general”.

She can also refer this matter to the police  – but the threshold for what would trigger such a referral is vague.

And without being able to compel evidence, there may not be information provided to her for her to consider making any such referral.

(It is a remarkable feature of all this is how the Metropolitan Police – who can compel evidence – have fettered their own discretion and contracted out this investigation of a civil servant investigating other civil servants – who cannot compel evidence.)

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There are already problems in practice.

Parts of the investigation seem to have been leaked to the press.

And if it is leaking to the press, then presumably it would also be leaking within the civil service.

These apparent leaks are probably not from Gray and her team but from those affected who are being presented with provisional views or updates for their responses (this would be being done for fairness – even though this is not a judicial or even quasi-judicial process – for there is a general rule that those facing criticism in a report should be able to make representations).

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There are also indications that Gray has not been given full information – which is not surprising given the lack of power to compel evidence and the potentially serious consequences for facing scrutiny.

And it may be that the report keeps on delayed while new parties are uncovered.

https://twitter.com/davidallengreen/status/1481776450244165639

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Recent political history – in both the United Kingdom and the United States – has seen many people looking forward to reports that then turn out (at least at first glance) not to have been as critical as many have hoped, from the Hutton report to the Mueller report.

But what is not surprising is that so many of these reports fail to be robustly critical – what is surprising is that any of these reports ever are robustly critical.

And this is not (always) because of the personal failures of those running the inquiries – but because of the structural problems of the inquiries and the ability of those (especially with competent legal advice) to regulate the flow of information.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

Perhaps the independently minded Sue Gray will be an exception to this general view.

Perhaps notwithstanding the limits of the Terms of Reference and her inability to compel evidence, the report will match the elevated political expectations now placed on it.

Perhaps it will provide an ironic justification for the politicians who have hidden behind the investigation so as to evade accountability to Parliament – because it will genuinely be a report so substantial and far-reaching that it actually should not have been prejudged.

Perhaps.

Or it may be a report that will allow politicians to brief friendly media that they have been ‘cleared’ – without many realising the inherent limits on the investigation to find anyone in breach of anything.

(It is almost as if this investigation was structured in such a way so as to give scope to ministers to leak to the press that they have been ‘cleared’.)

Most likely is that the investigation will, well, simply comply with the Terms of Reference that have been public all along and so will provide merely “a general understanding”.

This will be a recital of facts “of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose” – with “reference” (but maybe not more) to the relevant guidance.

But with no findings of breaches of the law, no names named, no individual culpability found.

This is an investigation that is almost

Just the (general) facts.

If so, the strange thing would be that anyone expected otherwise.

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The Colston Four and the problem (and challenge) of legal commentary – in praise of Secret Barrister and Matthew Scott

10th January 2022

The acquittal of the Colston Four became a significant political issue – so significant that former ministers and government supporters even got to the point of dissing juries altogether.

But where was the best legal commentary – to explain what did (and did not) happen?

On state broadcasters?

On news sites?

No.

It was on social media – in particular, two blogposts done by barristers in their spare time.

One was this explanatory post by the Secret Barrister.

The other was on the blog of Matthew Scott: the actual directions to the jury.

Neither of these barristers had to do this – they volunteered to put this information into the public domain.

Neither of the bloggers did anything that could not be done by a well-resourced legal correspondent at a mainstream news site.

But there are very few legal correspondents anywhere in mainsteam media, and they would not have the time (or the editorial freedom) to provide such information for free to anyone on the internet.

The Secret Barrister and Matthew Scott provide not only an important public service but also fill a gap in what should (and is not) being provided to the public generally by news sites.

We are lucky to have them – and, given the ever-starker limitations on news budgets – we must cherish this volunteerism by legal professionals.

But what happens when such volunteerism comes to an end, for it is no longer viable for legal professionals?

Well.

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The Meghan Markle litigation

8th January 2022

I do not tend to blog and tweet much about the areas of law in which I do most of my professional work as a solicitor: commercial law and media law.

This is for a variety of reasons, including the ability to commentate freely on things where there is no possibility of a conflict of interest.

So that is why I tend to blog and tweet about public law and constitutional matters, where I am less likely to have a conflict of interest.

But from time to time a media law matter comes up which I can commentate on without any concerns for conflicts of interest.

And so this week I was quoted in the Washington Post on the Meghan Markle matter.

The piece is here, and my quote as published was:

 

 

 

My quote as given was:

“The Meghan Markle court victory was not that legally significant. 
“The Mail on Sunday litigated a weak case and they lost it, without even managing to get to trial.  
“The senior editors would have been advised against publication – the Mail on Sunday have very good lawyers – but they chose to publish anyway, knowing the legal risks.
“But the case has immense cultural and media significance. 
“The newspaper chose to fight a weak case, despite the legal problems.  This could only be because they had a non-legal objective. 
“But also important was that Markle decided to press her case, instead of letting it go like other royals would have done. 
“In this way, the case could be a turning point.”

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The Markle judgments can be found here.

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I thought it may be of interest to add a little to my quote on this blog.

High-profile litigation often exists on two levels – how it is played out in the media, and what is actually happening as a matter of hard litigation.

And here, there were may reports in the media that framed Markle in a certain way.

But the Mail on Sunday case was always weak at law – and in the end it was so weak that it did not even get to trial.

Weak cases are rarely fought in civil litigation – the weaker side will usually tend to settle as soon as possible.

And so the interesting question is why it was fought – and in the answer to that question will be the genuine significance of this case.

The case is less significant in its detail than in its very existence.

The case itself has almost no legal significance: the applicable law was so obvious that Markle got summary judgment, despite the array of legal skill and talent employed by the newspaper.

But the cultural and media significance is – perhaps – profound.

Something seems to have changed.

But what?

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The Myth of the Dead Cats

9th December 2021

There is a certain Dickensian quality to the unfolding political events in the United Kingdom.

The events of a Christmas past – last Christmas – are illuminating the politics of Christmas present.

And, unlike other wrongs and transgressions by this wretched government, the facts and significance of last year’s Christmas party are readily grasped by the most unpolitical of people.

It has ‘cut through’.

Many people will not empathise with or understand those who may have their citizenship withdrawn, or want to make noisy protests, or want to make a hazardous channel crossing without drowning.

But, just like a day trip to see a castle, people easily understand about a works Christmas party.

This is not to say there are not more fundamentally bad things happening in law and policy at the moment.

This tweet summarises the current illiberal situation well:

The government of the United Kingdom is pushing forward legislation that will enable its officials to kill people without legal consequences, to prohibit meaningful protest, and to summarily remove citizenship from you because of where your family is from.

All this is as sickening and disconcerting as it can be.

But none of this has ‘cut through’.

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Whenever the government does more than one bad thing at once, somebody somewhere will comment that one of the things is ‘a dead cat’.

This is the phrase to describe a tactic of political distraction.

One of the bad things happening – usually the more trivial – will be described as a cunning misdirection, to distract us from a far less trivial thing.

But.

The thing about ‘a dead cat’ tactic is that it requires basic competence.

It relies on the notion that those in power are capable of doing something that works.

This is a perhaps comforting idea.

The reality is, at least with the current government, that there is no basic competence.

The true situation is that the government is doing lots of bad things at once, all over the place.

This is a scarier predicament.

When one of the bad things gets more public and media attention, it is not because a deliberate political tactic has worked.

It is instead because the thing in question just happens to be more understandable.

That is the only difference.

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This is a chaotic government.

It is tempting to posit some order or pattern – or conspiracy – as the alternative of absolute disorder is too horrible an idea to contemplate.

Indeed, it is an even more horrible prospect than a dead cat suddenly slammed upon a table.

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The Great Cat Massacre by Robert Darnton

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Posted on

 

 

 

“We do not recognise…” – on the increasingly popular evasive phrase used by government press offices

3rd December 2021

One of the joys of dealing with press officers is their insincerity.

They know they are being insincere and evasive, and you know they are being insincere and evasive.

But they are in their role, and you are in yours.

One of the increasing common formulations adopted by press officers is “We do not recognise [x]”.

The phrase is not a denial: it is not being stated that [x] is false.

Nor is it, of course, an admission.

It is something in between.

In this way the phrase is like “We do not admit” used by civil litigators – though in litigation you should only use that phase if the fact is actually outside of your knowledge, even if you do not accept it to be true.

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“We do not recognise [x]”.

So an alleged thing may be true and unwelcome – but a spokesperson has managed to find something about the thing alleged which means they can avoid admitting it without denying it.

https://twitter.com/davidallengreen/status/1466708215983398913

As a lawyer, I would just then want to ask “well, what do you recognise to be the case?”

Though so deft are press officers at their insincerity and evasion that this clever follow-up will also no doubt be dodged.

And so we have this phrase – joining the likes of “we do not want to get into speculation” and “we do not give a running commentary” – as a means by which government press officers pretend to you (and perhaps to themselves) that there a good reason for not providing the information or confirmation requested.

The shame of it is that government press officers are (or should be) public servants.

The provision of information to the press and the public, in the public interest, is what they are actually being paid to do (and for which many will get civil service pensions and even gongs).

Yet they seem to to take pride in not serving the public interest but the political interests of current ministers.

This uncomfortable truth should be stark and glaring to those who work in government press offices.

But they do not see it.

Perhaps they do not recognise it.

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A note on the Leveson Report, ten years on

22nd November 2021

The report of the Leveson Inquiry into the culture, practices and ethics of the press was published ten years ago.

I happened to have been a witness at the inquiry, giving evidence on blogging and social media, and so I thought that – after ten years – it may be worth setting out some thoughts about the inquiry.

The Leveson Inquiry was a half-success and a half-failure.

The successful part was the evidence stage, where a huge amount of evidence was placed into the public domain about the culture, practices and ethics of the press that would have not been placed into the public domain, but for the inquiry.

This evidence is in the form of written witness statements, original documents and oral evidence.

We now know so much more about the culture, practices and ethics of the press in the years before 2012 than we otherwise would have done.

There is a substantial archive of public domain information that can be – and has been – mined for fine academic research and media commentary.

The evidence stage was a boon for the public understanding of the media – and how the law was (and was not) followed.

But.

The inquiry got all that evidence…

…and did not seem to know what to do with it.

The four volumes of the report are less interesting reading than the source material.

The volumes were published all at once, and – after a brief flurry of interest – were left unread.

A more staged release of the conclusions would have been far more useful.

And as for the recommendations, they – like Hume’s treatise on philosophy – fell dead-born from the press.

The model(s) of regulation adopted after the inquiry was not that which was recommended.

There are those who (still) are partisans for the Leveson recommendations – but the recommendations have not been of any practical consequence.

And – in the meantime – the nature of the media and of print news has changed significantly.

The Leveson inquiry was at the tail end of when there was an actual newspaper industry – where newsprint was published daily on an industrial scale.

Since the circulations have collapsed.

Now anyone with an internet connection can publish to the world.

If for example a reporter cannot publish something in a newspaper (or news site) there is nothing stopping a tweeter publishing the same to a potentially far wider audience.

And the envisaged second stage of the Leveson inquiry – dealing with media relationships with the police will now not happen – though the Daniel Morgan report gave us a steer for what that probably would have contained.

(See my post on why the Daniel Morgan report is the nearest we will ever get to Leveson Stage Two.)

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In my view, the solution for media misconduct – either in news media or social media – is to strengthen the legal rights of the individual vis-a-vis the news sites and social media platforms (and to strengthen the legal obligations of those sites and platforms), rather than setting up some regulatory scheme.

All regulators tend to be ‘captured’ by who they regulate, and regulatory remedies are more likely to be circumvented or simply ignored.

And the tensions between the news media and those who were affected by media misconduct were such that there would never be an agreed regulatory regime that would serve both interests.

Nothing the inquiry could have recommended would have been accepted by the press and press victims.

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The mantra of ‘more regulation’ presupposes that a thing can be regulated other than by the general law.

But the media cannot be regulated other than be the general law – such as data protection, misuse of private information, defamation, copyright, and so on.

This is not because one is blind to the misconduct of the media (and indeed during the Leveson Inquiry I was able to show one example of such misconduct), but to assert a simple point about things having to work in practice.

There is nothing to be gained by demanding that there should be sector specific media regulation if that cannot work in practice.

So, although the Leveson inquiry had all the paraphernalia of a legal exercise – a judge, statutory powers, barristers, oral examinations, and even taking place in a courtroom – it was ultimately a failure because – ironically – it was not able to take law seriously and was bound by its terms to propose an effectively non-legal regulatory regime instead.

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The United Kingdom state and the asymmetry of information flows

19th October 2021

There is asymmetry in the United Kingdom state (and no doubt other countries) when it comes to information flows.

On one hand: we have the strict official secrets legislation, almost useless freedom of information legislation, and a neat and cosy political-media compact where things can be made routinely – even casually – public without accountability or attribution.

On the other hand: we have extensive surveillance and interception powers by which the state can have access, as and when it wan to almost all information about any individual.

The goal of the modern state is to know as much as possible about individuals, while ensuring individuals know as little as possible about the state.

For just as Frank Wilhoit once defined political conservatism“There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect” – the same is true of the state more generally, but with information flows.

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This law and policy blog provides a daily post commenting on and contextualising topical law and policy matters.

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Why ‘legally ringfenced’ is a phrase used by political knaves to take you for a fool

7th September 2021

Another late-night revelation about our current government-by-essay-crisis:

The phrase ‘legally ringfenced’ is a legal and political nonsense.

It is a legal nonsense because nothing in the United Kingdom can, in any meaningful way, be ‘legally ringfenced’ .

This is because of the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy, which means a parliament can make or unmake any act of parliament.

Nothing – to use a similar dishonest phrase – can be ‘enshrined in law’.

Even if there were a provision put in a statute – with super-duper protections intended to prevent its repeal or amendment – the provision and all those super-duper protections could be repealed or amended with a simple parliamentary majority.

And it is a political nonsense for it is a trick that that has been played before and which has been exposed as trick before.

The international aid budget was, supposedly, legally ringfenced.

The fixed-term parliaments act was, supposedly, enshrined in law.

The current triple-lock on pensions likewise, and so on.

And so on.

But still politicians use this trickery – and still too many nod-along by these impressive sounding phrases.

The claims ‘legally ringfenced’ and ‘enshrined in law’ do have a rhetorical purpose, of course.

They invoke the majesty of law to charge up what would otherwise be a banal political utterance.

An utterance intended to reassure waverers or even win over somebody who would otherwise be opposed.

And in that way, it is perhaps slightly significant that politicians still feel law has sufficient respect so that political statements can be framed as grand legal announcements.

But it is trickery all the same.

Any politician who uses the phrases ‘legally ringfenced’ and ‘enshrined in law’ is a knave – and a knave taking you to be a fool.

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