Did you know that there is a Parliamentary Ombudsman?

 

6th February 2022

Did you know that the United Kingdom had an ‘Ombudsman’?

And if you did know, did you know what this Ombudsman can and cannot do?

I have been looking into this strange office for a while now, at the invitation of campaigners.

And the more I look at this curious office, the more confused I become.

This is because it sits very oddly within our domestic legal and administrative system – and is, in effect, a 1960s transplant from another constitutional regime.

The system is almost guaranteed to not fully satisfy anyone who uses it – and, indeed, there seems to be a number of people who are very unhappy with it.

This post is an introduction to the legal basis of the Ombudsman system – and I intend to further posts look at particular problems.

This is because it offers a fascinating case practical study of transparency and accountability (and the lack thereof) in law and policy.

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The notion of an Ombudsman comes from Sweden, and it was a popular and fashionable notion for administrative reformers after the second world war.

The idea was that the Ombudsman would help promote good government by investigating and thereby checking ‘maladministration’ which is itself a problematic concept from a lawyer’s perspective.

(Is maladministration an unlawful ultra vires act? Or are there acts that are lawful but also maladministration? Who knows.)

By the 1960s – when administrative law in England and Wales was still underdeveloped – having an Ombudsman seemed like an idea that had come.

And so we had one – and then a number.

The primary Ombudsman in the United Kingdom, is the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration.

This office was established by a 1967 Act of Parliament.

The remit of the Ombudsman is that it can, on referral by a Member of Parliament, “investigate…[an] action taken in the exercise of administrative functions…where…a member of the public…claims to have sustained injustice in consequence of maladministration”.

In some ways, it is a powerful office.

Very powerful.

The Ombudsman can only dismissed by an address of both houses of parliament.

The Ombudsman can require ministers and government departments to provide information and documents – even ‘secret’ information and documents.

It is even a criminal offence to obstruct the Ombudsman.

And the Ombudsman can, after an investigation, place a critical report before parliament that has full legal privilege.

With these legal superpowers, the Ombudsman would be a legal superhero equivalent of any other something-man or -woman.

Such a figure, given these powers, could be expected to be central to discussions about law and policy in central government.

But.

To go back to the top of the post: did you even know that the United Kingdom had an Ombudsman?

Have you ever read an Ombudsman report – or even visited its website?

And here there is a paradox – if not a contradiction.

For, at a time where there seems more and more maladministration, the Ombudsman has almost no public profile.

On the assumption that there is maladministration in central government, and given the legal super-powers of the Ombudsman, why is the Ombudsman so little-known?

And is there a problem with the Ombudsman system, as critical campaigners aver?

Let’s find out in future posts – and your informed comments are welcome below.

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Resignations – and reasons for resignations

3rd February 2022

Today there were various political resignations: at least two (at the time of writing) from Downing Street, and one in Northern Ireland.

Such resignations are political acts.

And as political acts they are significant.

By which is meant that they signify something.

Political resignations are often accompanied by express reasons.

These express reasons are also significant – for they also signify something.

But.

They may not signify the same thing.

They may not even be connected.

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One thing which a combination of a history degree, two decades’ practice as a lawyer, and (too much) time as a law and policy commentator has taught me is…

..that the reasons for an action and the reasons given for an action do not necessarily connect.

Indeed, the political action and the documented reasons for that action may have nothing directly to do with each other, and are intended as performances to different audiences.

The important thing is to stay sceptical of what people want you to believe about what they do.

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Sue Gray’s time bomb – why this “update” means more trouble for the Prime Minister

31st January 2022

An “update” of the Sue Gray report was published today.

It did not say a lot – but it said enough.

Any competent close reading of the update would indicate that the final report will be even worse for the (current) Prime Minister.

There are (at least) three “gatherings” under criminal investigation that the Prime Minister either attended or knew about.

And for there to these gatherings to be a police matter means there is already evidence of serious and flagrant breaches.

And there are nine other gatherings to be investigated by police.

Given that the report – even in these stymied conditions – was able to say the following, this could not be more serious for the Prime Minister:

“ii. At least some of the gatherings in question represent a serious failure to observe not just the high standards expected of those working at the heart of Government but also of the standards expected of the entire British population at the time.

“iii. At times it seems there was too little thought given to what was happening across the country in considering the appropriateness of some of these gatherings, the risks they presented to public health and how they might appear to the public. There were failures of leadership and judgment by different parts of No 10 and the Cabinet Office at different times. Some of the events should not have been allowed to take place. Other events should not have been allowed to develop as they did.”

Accountability for these Downing Street parties – while everyone else was under strict lockdown – is only a matter of time.

That is why this report is a timebomb for Boris.

And in any sensible political system, the Prime Minister would now resign than let this timebomb explode.

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Perversion of the course of public business – today’s clumsy Met intervention in Partygate

28 January 2022

Sometimes things are not straightforward.

And sometimes things just become more complicated.

Today was one of those times.

This morning the Metropolitan Police took it upon themselves to request that the Sue Gray report only makes “minimal reference” to matters in respect of which the police are investigating.

The effect of this intervention may be that the report is published without detail of the more damaging aspects of the Downing Street partying.

This truncated/redacted report may even “clear” the Prime Minister – at least according to his political and media supporters.

There would also be the prospect of the police investigation taking no further action, with the damaging details never being made public.

This is probably more an accident than a design – but the effect is likely to be to potentially cloak the more damaging detail from parliamentary and public view.

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It is difficult to understand the Metropolitan police position.

As breaches of the (obviously relevant) Covid rules are summary only then there is no risk of prejudicing a jury trial.

Perhaps they want to disclose information in their own way in any interviews with suspects – but such investigatory convenience should not be an absolute check.

The world should not be organised entirely for the benefit of the police – especially when they have been tardy.

Perhaps there are more serious offences afoot – the alleged direction that “mobiles should be cleaned” could, depending on circumstances, be perversion of the course of justice – and some are saying (with hope more than expectation) that there may even be grounds for charges for misconduct in public office.

But what makes the police position preposterous is that they delayed investigating at all until the Gray inquiry did the police’s job for them.

And now the police have belatedly decided to do their job, they now wish to interfere with the normal course of public business.

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All this continues to undermine political transparency and parliamentary accountability.

Inquires and investigations often take matters away from the floor of the House of Commons or the press conference, and ministers and their supporters get a rhetorical (and sometimes legal) basis for not answering questions.

“We need to wait for…”

And politicians don’t need much excuse to not answer questions.

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The Metropolitan Police have, of course, an interest in this matter.

The parties took place bang in the middle of no doubt the most heavily policed area of the UK – Whitehall.

And the parties took place while the police were freely handing out huge fines to those breaking Covid rules elsewhere.

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Had the Metropolitan Police investigated this matter properly when it should have done – and there can be no evidence before Sue Gray and her team which is not capable of being ascertained by the Police with their greater investigative powers – then the police would not now be disrupting the publication of a report.

And there is perhaps a lesson here for those who clamour for police investigations of politicians and their circles: be careful what you wish for.

Police investigations do not always go in accordance with wishful thinking.

Sometimes police investigations can pervert the course of public business.

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Why Nusrat Ghani is right to want to see the Terms of Reference for the new inquiry

24th January 2022

Another week, another inquiry.

This new one was announced this morning:

Yesterday there was not going to be an inquiry – and the Lord High Chancellor (who is also Deputy Prime Minister) was sent out to say so on television:

Nusrat Ghani MP – the complainant – had yesterday made a sensible, crucial point in response to the contention that she should have complained to the Conservative party.

It was a government business matter – not a party political matter:

Perhaps Boris Johnson does not comprehend this distinction between party and state.

Anyway, that position could not hold, and so an inquiry was announced.

And this led to another sensible, crucial point from Ghani:

“I look forward to seeing the terms of reference.”

Regular readers of this blog (and my tweets) will know that the shape of the terms of reference (as well as control over evidence flows) will tend to shape the results of any investigation or inquiry.

As techies say: GIGO.

Only the naïve think that just because there is an investigation or inquiry then – as if by magic – the resulting report will be suitably scathing.

What are called ‘whitewashes’ do not have to be by reason of deliberate cynical decisions by those investigating or inquiring – but instead can come from the terms of reference or the evidence made available.

Wise ministers facing investigations and inquiries know this – and government lawyers certainly do.

And so, it is refreshing to see, do wise complainants.

 

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Accountability needs transparency, and both need to be enforceable by legal remedies

23rd January 2022

This law and policy blog has many great comments – often better than my posts – and there was a comment on yesterday’s post that had a particularly striking passage.

‘Alan’ said:

‘Accountability is impossible without transparency. It’s also impossible without the power to create remedies.’

This is spot-on – and it is worth unpacking.

Accountability is, of course, a Good Thing.

It is also a vague thing – though regular readers of this blog (and my tweets) will know that I usually take it to mean that a person can be required to give an account of themselves.

(Accountability/account -geddit?)

And a common complaint on this blog (and my tweets) is that those with political power are deft in avoiding giving accounts of what they do, either through rhetorical devices or by frustrating or circumventing checks and balances.

But.

The easiest way for a person with political power to evade accountability is simple.

It is by you not knowing what they are doing or not doing.

And so, in this way, the best way means of having accountability is by having transparency.

For it is only then that you will know what questions to ask and evidence to demand in respect of what politicians and officials do or not do.

But.

(A second but.)

Transparency is of limited import unless it can be enforced against the will of those with political power.

And here we have the further problem – especially in the United Kingdom – of traditions and structures that make it almost impossible for anyone outside public bodies to find out what is going on – unless those with public power allow it.

Here one can point to, for example, official secrets legislation that is as tough as freedom of information legislation is weak.

We have well-resourced taxpayer-funded government press offices that will not tell the media anything unless it suits the government of the day.

We have weekly lies and non-answers in parliamentary debates.

And so on, and so on.

There is almost nothing which anyone outside government can do to force this transparency.

There are no – or almost no – remedies.

Here ‘remedies’ are, in general, what a court can order to make a person to do something they do not want to do, so as to put right a situation.

But it is rare to get a court to make any order to compel a public body so as to disclose a thing it does not want to disclose.

And so, as ‘Alan’ avers, without remedies there will not be accountability and transparency.

Accountability – and even transparency – does not mean a thing unless you can compel those with political power to give their accounts against their will by going to court.

The question is: how can we have stronger remedies against public bodies so as to force through accountability and transparency?

Any ideas?

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The political addiction of hiding behind ‘inquiries’

20th January 2022

One day, perhaps soon, perhaps next week, Sue Gray will report on her investigation.

And then, over time, the Sue Gray investigation will fade from memories until only political obsessives will remember what it was ever about.

But.

These inquiries and inquiries are, in general, a Bad Thing.

This blog recently averred that such after-the-event inquiries and investigations are generally (but not always) not a welcome thing – as they usually signify a failure of the institutions of the State to properly scrutinise and hold accountable the executive at-the-time.

This, however, is not the only problem.

These investigations and inquiries are now becoming the go-to political and rhetorical device for evading any accountability.

That the Prime Minister and other ministers have spent the last few weeks evading accountability to Parliament and the media by reference to what is only an internal cvil service investigation is already a stock political joke.

One wonders what will happen when the Prime Minister and other ministers cannot, as a political and rhetorical reflex, any longer just incant the Sue Gray evasion spell.

Indeed one half-expects Boris Johnson to next week announce a further inquiry by Sue Gray to explain the meaning of the first investigation, so useful is this as a means of evasion.

One has to allude to Douglas Adams’s Hitchhikers’ Guide to the Galaxy to convey the full absurdity of the situation.

On the face of it, it seems terribly reasonable to say one has to await the results of an investigation.

If it said earnestly enough, the response will be understanding nods.

But each time it is used as an excuse not to give a substantive answer to a probing question, accountability is undermined.

And if politicians could get away with using it as an excuse for avoiding any accountability they would do so.

At some point there has to be a stop to this.

Court hearings – fine, yes, they should not be gainsaid by parliament.

But anything less – even statutory public inquiries – should never be an excuse for politicians not being accountable.

And there should be a prohibition on any civil servants – whether the cabinet secretary or otherwise – being charged with such investigations when they deflect political accountability.

That is not what the civil service is for.

Ministers love having some way of escaping actual accountability – they will tend to flock to whatever means are available.

But, unless this tendency is checked, our ministers will become even less open to scrutiny.

This dreadful and illiberal and undemocratic habit has to end.

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A critical, general overview of the Sue Gray investigation

15th January 2022

This post brings together my posts and tweets relating to the Sue Gray investigation in to the Downing Street parties during lockdown, as well as some new thoughts, into a single general overview.

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There are a couple of preliminary points worth making.

First, investigations like this – and other such forms of ad hoc inquiry – can be signs of an unhealthy polity.

(I argued this in the Financial Times back in 2014 and on this blog last year.)

This is because many inquiries, and most demands for inquiries, are also implicit admissions of State failure.

The admission of failure is that the other permanent elements of the State – primarily the executive, the police, the permanent regulators, the ombudsman system, the legislature, and the judiciary – have all failed in their roles.

If these elements of the State had done their job properly at the time – or been allowed to do their job properly at the time – then there would be less need for ad hoc inquiries after the event.

Every demand that there ‘should be an inquiry’ is also an implicit acceptance that the elements of State with the legitimacy and the purpose to supervise and scrutinise have been deficient.

And as this blog has also averred, often those put at the head of such investigations and inquiries are not sufficiently experienced or well-suited to obtain evidence which those facing scrutiny are unwilling to provide.

(In particular, judges and barristers spend most of their careers looking at documentary evidence which has been helpfully ascertained and compiled by others, rather than ever digging out the raw evidence for themselves.)

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The second preliminary point is that ad hoc inquiries usually suit politicians and others with public power – especially if those inquiries do not have powers to compel evidence which would otherwise not need to be given.

Here it helps to think of the techie phrase Garbage In, Garbage Out (GIGO).

Most inquiries and investigations are only as good as the evidence – documents and testimony and so on – available to them.

If you control the flow of evidence in to the process, you often have significant influence of the ‘findings’ and ‘conclusions’ that come out of the other end.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

The eye-opener for me on this was when I was a central government lawyer about fifteen-or-so years ago.

I met other central government lawyers who explained how on inquiry work they would work backwards from what they wanted to achieve to the terms of reference of the inquiry so as to ensure they put in the evidence that would tend to the desired outcome.

And the government and others with public power (for example the police) have access to many good specialised lawyers who know how to game the inquiry system like this.

This is not necessarily wrong – it is the job of a lawyer to understand the rules of procedure and of evidence in respect of any process on which they advise.

But it is certainly contrary to the naive view that an inquiry will somehow magically find all the information that will enable it to come to some desired scathing conclusion.

And when the inquiry does not reach a scathing conclusion, the reaction is often that those doing the inquiry have deliberately sought to do a ‘white wash’.

Whilst in reality, the apparent ‘white wash’ is because of what happens with the supply of evidence in the first place.

If you control input the evidence, you will tend to control the output.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

And that is why any worthwhile inquiry or investigation always needs to be independent of those facing scrutiny and why there needs to be powers to obtain information that those facing scrutiny will not want to provide.

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Now we come to the Sue Gray investigation, the terms of reference of which are published here (I am assuming they have not been amended) – and these terms of reference should be read by everyone following this investigation.

You will see that the investigation was to be conducted by the Cabinet Secretary.

It is not unusual for the Cabinet Secretary (who is the head of the domestic civil service and reports directly to the Prime Minister) to be asked by a Prime Minister to conduct investigations into central government matters.

Within the domestic civil service the Cabinet Secretary has unique authority, although – ultimately – he or she will not be independent of the Prime Minister.

But the Cabinet Secretary is not now conducting this investigation.

This is because the Cabinet Secretary attended a gathering which is part of the investigation.

And so an investigation which sort-of-makes-sense when conducted by the head of the domestic civil service who reports directly to the Prime Minister has been passed to another civil servant who does not (at least not as part of their day job).

Sue Gray has a reputation for being independently minded.

(And note: you should be careful of hoping that this reputation means she will be necessarily critical of ministers – for a genuinely independently minded person will also be independent from the loud clamour of ministerial critics.)

But that a civil servant has a personal reputation for being independently minded does not and cannot make them structurally independent.

She is a senior civil servant – but she is not the most senior, not even within her own department of the Cabinet Office.

And so we have a problem – a type of investigation that was envisaged for the very head of the civil service now being done by a more junior colleague.

And she is investigating her own colleagues some of whom may be at the same level as her and some – like Simon Case – more senior.

The investigation is also into special advisers and others who will be close associates of her ministerial bosses.

There has long been a problem with the non-transparent and closed nature of Cabinet Secretary investigations  – but at least they sort-of-made-sense, but this arrangement must be even more unsatisfactory.

But, as this blog recently contended, the politically charged nature now accorded to this investigation would make inappropriate for any particular civil servant, let alone one who is not the Cabinet Secretary.

It is an investigation that ministers are hiding behind to avoid ministerial accountability to the House of Commons, and her report may topple (or ‘clear’) a sitting Prime Minister.

For all her merits, Sue Gray is not – and should not – be a crucial element of the constitution.

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Now we come to the structural problems of the investigation.

And here, even before we come to this investigation’s Terms of Reference, there are a number of issues:-

Gray cannot make a determination as to whether there is criminal liability, as she is not a court.

Gray cannot make an independent assessment of the application of non-legal guidance to her colleagues as she is not independent – and some of those being investigated are more senior in the civil service than she is.

Gray cannot compel testimony and documents – or even full disclosure – from any of those involved.

And Gray cannot determine whether the prime minister or another minister is in breach of the ministerial code, as she is not the prime minister.

None of these are her fault, and none of these are criticisms of any decisions she has made or not made.

These structural issues instead arise simply from the nature of the investigation she has been charged with.

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And now we come to the Terms of Reference.

If you read these carefully then you will see that there is even less scope for there to be any severe criticism published.

Any finding of apparent misconduct by any particular, named civil servant should not feature – for that will be a Human Resources issue (and that is only right, as there needs to be due process).

Here the reference to “the investigations will establish whether individual disciplinary action is warranted” has to be read with “any specific HR action against individuals will remain confidential”  – and so there may be nothing published of particularised substance on any actual breaches, as they will be part of subsequent internal proceedings.

There is mention of making “reference to adherence to the guidance in place at the time” – but this may not mean a great deal.

The word “reference” here can mean little more than the guidance will be read and perhaps mentioned.

There is no express requirement under the Terms of Reference for Gray to apply the guidance to the facts so as to ascertain whether there has been any breaches.

Gray may do so – and if she is independently minded, she may indeed do so – but there is no requirement for her to do so.

All she is required to do so is to “establish swiftly a general understanding of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose”.

Note the “general”.

She can also refer this matter to the police  – but the threshold for what would trigger such a referral is vague.

And without being able to compel evidence, there may not be information provided to her for her to consider making any such referral.

(It is a remarkable feature of all this is how the Metropolitan Police – who can compel evidence – have fettered their own discretion and contracted out this investigation of a civil servant investigating other civil servants – who cannot compel evidence.)

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There are already problems in practice.

Parts of the investigation seem to have been leaked to the press.

And if it is leaking to the press, then presumably it would also be leaking within the civil service.

These apparent leaks are probably not from Gray and her team but from those affected who are being presented with provisional views or updates for their responses (this would be being done for fairness – even though this is not a judicial or even quasi-judicial process – for there is a general rule that those facing criticism in a report should be able to make representations).

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There are also indications that Gray has not been given full information – which is not surprising given the lack of power to compel evidence and the potentially serious consequences for facing scrutiny.

And it may be that the report keeps on delayed while new parties are uncovered.

*

Recent political history – in both the United Kingdom and the United States – has seen many people looking forward to reports that then turn out (at least at first glance) not to have been as critical as many have hoped, from the Hutton report to the Mueller report.

But what is not surprising is that so many of these reports fail to be robustly critical – what is surprising is that any of these reports ever are robustly critical.

And this is not (always) because of the personal failures of those running the inquiries – but because of the structural problems of the inquiries and the ability of those (especially with competent legal advice) to regulate the flow of information.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

Perhaps the independently minded Sue Gray will be an exception to this general view.

Perhaps notwithstanding the limits of the Terms of Reference and her inability to compel evidence, the report will match the elevated political expectations now placed on it.

Perhaps it will provide an ironic justification for the politicians who have hidden behind the investigation so as to evade accountability to Parliament – because it will genuinely be a report so substantial and far-reaching that it actually should not have been prejudged.

Perhaps.

Or it may be a report that will allow politicians to brief friendly media that they have been ‘cleared’ – without many realising the inherent limits on the investigation to find anyone in breach of anything.

(It is almost as if this investigation was structured in such a way so as to give scope to ministers to leak to the press that they have been ‘cleared’.)

Most likely is that the investigation will, well, simply comply with the Terms of Reference that have been public all along and so will provide merely “a general understanding”.

This will be a recital of facts “of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose” – with “reference” (but maybe not more) to the relevant guidance.

But with no findings of breaches of the law, no names named, no individual culpability found.

This is an investigation that is almost

Just the (general) facts.

If so, the strange thing would be that anyone expected otherwise.

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Why judges may not be the best people to chair public inquiries

16th December 2021

Yesterday it was announced that the forthcoming Covid public inquiry will be chaired by Heather Hallett, the former appeals judge with an outstanding reputation as a lawyer.

Nothing in this post should be take to gainsay that appointment.

Instead, this post examines the general question of whether judges – or barristers – are really the best people to chair public inquiries.

In the United Kingdom judges are not usually investigators.

Instead the facts and documentary evidence on which they are to decide cases are put together by the parties to the case and their lawyers.

A judge will – despite spirited fictional depictions – not go and find out new facts and evidence for themselves.

In turn: most (though not all) judges are also barristers.

Many barristers also do not go and find out new facts and evidence in the case on which they are instructed: the facts and documentary evidence are provided to them usually by instructing solicitors or other professionals.

In essence: for all their many undisputed skills and talents, little in the background of judges and barristers fit them to be investigators.

Any investigations are normally conducted by others.

Once the evidence has been put together, judges and barristers will then often be very good at assessing and weighing that evidence, and in applying that evidence to the law (and applying the law to that evidence).

But the uncovering of the primary facts is normally done by others.

This is why – especially in civil cases – it is those who have the best controls over the flow of evidence that will tend to control the verdict.

And this is also why many public inquires are (or seem) to be ‘whitewashes’.

This is not (usually) because the head of the inquiry deliberately wants there to be a ‘whitewash’.

The ‘whitewash’ is often further upstream – in how the evidence is presented to the inquiry.

As techies say: garbage in, garbage out.

I know this, in part, because I used to work with public inquiry lawyers when I was a central government lawyer.

They worked backwards from the outcome they wanted to achieve so as to marshal the appropriate evidence.

That was their job.

So what is needed in the head of any inquiry is to have someone who is not reliant on the nicely packaged evidence and facts as put together by skilled and experienced public inquiry lawyers.

But to have someone with the skills and experience to get to the facts and evidence that powerful parties may not want to have put before an inquiry.

A person who will use the statutory powers available to public inquiries for compelling evidence, so as to balance the experienced public inquiry lawyers doing whatever they can to avoid putting certain evidence in.

Sometimes this person may be a judge, but sometimes it may not be.

But there is nothing particular in the background of most judges and barristers that equips them for investigating things.

Garbage in, garbage out.

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The boon of published sentencing remarks

15th December 2021

One good thing for the public understanding of the law that has come from the internet is the publication of ‘Sentencing Remarks’.

These are not judgments – at least in a legally technical sense – but explanations by a judge about how they gone around setting the sentence of someone guilty of an offence.

Today there are two sets of sentencing remarks about highly unpleasant and disturbing cases (both of must have a content warning).

Some may want to read them for their grisly detail.

However the rest of us – especially students of law and others with an interest in the legal system – will be able to gain fascinating and detailed insights into investigations, prosecutions and sentencing.

In the olden days, these remarks were never normally available – one would have to rely on any news reporters in court, and one would then have to depend upon on the edited (and editorialised) news reports.

Now, you can read the judge’s words for yourself – and form your own view.

You may still think after reading remarks that a sentence is too low or too high – but you will at least be able to inform your view with how the sentence has been arrived at.

The best way to keep up is to follow the England and Wales judiciary’s Twitter account or to visit their site from time to time.

The regular publication of these remarks will not, by themselves, cure the promotion of misinformation about law generally and high-profile cases in particular.

But the more they become part of the normal information openly available about cases and the criminal law in the news, the better the general knowledge of the criminal justice system.

They are a boon to the public understanding of law.

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