FoI requests regarding the “absolutely devastating” legal advice

30th September 2022

The Freedom of Information Act of the United Kingdom is not an impressive statute.

I have known this from the beginning, for I was a government lawyer when the Act took effect.

I even attended meetings of the now notorious “clearing house” at the Cabinet Office that considered certain complex and/or cross-governmental requests.

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The Act has no bite – unless you want to spend a considerable amount of time challenging decisions all the way to court.

If a public authority does not want to give you the information requested then it will usually find a basis for not doing so.

There is perhaps no more insincere a genre of official correspondence than FoI letters saying that exemptions apply, additional time is needed and balancing exercises need to be conducted – all of which are, in reality, delaying tactics which end up with no information being willingly disclosed.

Everyone concerned knows this – those requesting the information, the FoI officers, and their internal clients.

It makes you think of this classic Onion story:

Everyone involved in making a FoI request, handling a FoI request, considering a FoI request extremely cynical.

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But.

From time to time, FoI requests may be useful.

And in respect of the “absolutely devastating” legal advice previously discussed on this blog – see here and here – FoI requests may be interesting.

This is partly because by publishing the advice on 2 September 2022 the government waived legal advice privilege in that advice.

The usual go-to privilege exemption for government in respect of FoI requests for matters concerning legal advice is, in my view, no longer available for the government here.

And by going to an external law firm, rather than using the government legal service, the usual go-to exemption of commercial interests is less strong for the government, as there is a public interest in openness about whether this procurement actually provided value for money.

The immediate publication of the advice on the gov.uk website also raises a further public interest in favour of disclosure, given that it appears to have been an attempt to bounce the privileges committee.

As the committee stated:

My FoI requests are here, where you will be able to follow their (lack of) progress.

Each request seeks disclosure of particular information and there is method in the madness of how I have arranged and framed the requests – in particular how they are arranged and framed so as to strengthen the (inevitable) appeals.

I have no illusions that the government will not disclose this information happily, and so I am thinking backwards from the (inevitable) appeals.

“Everyone involved in making a FoI request, handling a FoI request, considering a FoI request extremely cynical.”

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My motivation, for what it is worth, has little or nothing to do with whether the former Prime Minister is disciplined or not by the privileges committee.

That is a matter for the committee and parliament, and I do not really care either way, as long as the committee and parliament are satisfied.

My concern, as a former government lawyer, is that there is something deeply wrong for any government (of any party) to use and publish legal advice in this manner.

Legal advice is legal advice, and government communications are government communications, and there should be little public overlap.

And this is especially the case where it appears an opinion was sought not for legal advice, but to be published and publicised so as to influence a parliamentary committee and to place public and media pressure on that committee.

It would not matter if that was Boris Johnson or Jeremy Corbyn or Elizabeth Truss as Prime Minister.

Something wrong happened here, and it really should not happen again.

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It is not “local journalism”, it is journalism

29th September 2022

This was not a good day for the new Prime Minister Elizabeth Truss.

And that was just one of many local radio interviews, which are collected together here:

 

The interviews were excruciating.

And they were very effective:

One reaction to this round of interviews was to praise local journalists for pressing this hard questions about urgent matters.

But this was not mere local journalism, it was journalism.

And it showed up, by relief, how hard questions about urgent matters are not similarly pressed at the national level.

There are some very fine national journalists, in the so-called lobby and otherwise.

But there is also what can be called an information economy.

A national political journalist is often only as good as their access to political information that is not otherwise available.

Of course: there is a need for off the record and background conversations.

But.

Politicians and their advisers take advantage of the need for a supply of information and so can exclude any journalist who pressed hard questions about urgent matters.

This means that the only broadcast and newsprint journalists who will press on regardless are those who are so established no longer need to be supplied by the information economy of Westminster.

And such established media figures will often have their own agendas and prejudices too.

But for an up-and-coming political journalist there is a constant risk of exclusion from the information economy.

And it is easier to state the problem rather than to fix it.

One possibility is that the news media shy away from using stories where there is nobody on the record.

But if one news media site does this, then it will be at a competitive disadvantage.

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My own approach to commentary and journalism is to rely as much as possible on public domain sources – asking hard questions of texts rather than of people, and comparing (and contrasting) multiple documents.

But that sort of commentary and journalism can only go so far, and the human elements  of policy and law making need there to be journalists who ask questions of politicians.

And politicians need to face such questions, as it is a good discipline.

Accountability leads, generally, to better government.

So it would benefit everyone involved if the Westminster information economy was made more, well, more efficient.

And, if so, a Prime Minister would not be able to tell the difference between quizzed by a national journalist and a local journalist.

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The curious incident of the “absolutely devastating” Johnson legal opinion is now even curiouser

27th September 2022

You will recall the “absolutely devastating” legal opinion provided for the then prime minister Boris Johnson.

This was in respect of the work of inquiry of the House of Commons privileges committee into whether Johnson had committed a contempt of parliament in respect of his seemingly misleading statements on the floor of the house.

On 1st September 2022, it was reported on a newspaper website:

“An insider said of the QC’s legal advice: ‘It is absolutely devastating.’”

And on the front page of that newspaper’s print edition dated 2 September 2022 we were told:

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This would have been huge, if true.

The capital-o Opinion in question was this – signed by two barristers as instructed by a leading criminal firm of solicitors.

The Opinion is also dated the same day as the newspaper website article: 1 September 2022.

This must mean that the source of the “absolutely devastating” quote either was referring to a draft form of the Opinion or was providing a view the same day that the Opinion was signed.

We now know that the cost of this legal advice was between £112,700 and £129,500 of taxpayers’ money, as the following tender information was published by the government on 2 September 2022:

(Hat-tip Aubrey Allegretti, here and here.)

This tender information indicates there was no competitive procurement exercise: the government seems to have gone straight to the leading criminal defence firm in early August 2022.

That firm, in turn, instructed two public law barristers (not criminal law specialists).

What is remarkable about this procurement is that the government has its own legal service, with many specialists on matters of parliamentary procedure.

(Which is obvious, if you think about it, given the close working relationship between departments and Parliament.)

There is no obvious good reason, if this was a governmental matter (rather than a matter for Johnson as a Member of Parliament) why this advice could not have been arranged by the government legal service who would have instructed barristers on the Treasury panel.

Indeed, it is odd that this was not done – especially as the junior barrister involved is already on the Treasury panel.

Why were the instructions routed through an external law firm and not the Treasury Solicitor – especially as this is not a criminal law matter?

Who authorised this procurement and use of public money?

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Indeed, as this blog has already averred, it is not obvious that this was a legal matter at all, let alone a criminal law matter.

The matter is entirely one of parliamentary procedure – and is not thereby justiciable by any court.

In my view there is even force in the argument that the Opinion does not contain any legal opinion.

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We now know that on 2 September 2022 – the day after the Opinion was dated and the “absolutely devastating” quote was given to the newspaper – that Johnson wrote to the privileges committee:

One curious point here is that he refers to a previous letter to the committee of 12 August 2022 – which is four days after the date of the end procurement law advice, see:

This must mean that the decision to procure external legal advice preceded his letter of 12 August 2022, and so presumably that letter was also informed by the external advice obtained.

You will also see in this letter that Johnson says that “[i]n light of the exceptional circumstances and to ensure public and Parliamentary scrutiny” that he was “placing a copy of the legal opinion in the Library of the House and on the gov.uk website`’.

This is odd.

For as the expert in parliamentary procedure Alexander Horne points out:

There can be no good reason why the Opinion was not just submitted to the committee without publicity – especially if the content of the Opinion was genuinely “absolutely devastating”.

Johnson mentions that he is publishing the letter on the government website [i]n light of the exceptional circumstances and to ensure public and Parliamentary scrutiny” .

But these “ exceptional circumstances” are not particularised, and the committee itself is the means of “public and Parliamentary scrutiny”.

The only plausible explanation that fits the available information is that the Opinion was published on the government website so as to place media and public pressure on the privileges committee.

This would explain how the Opinion went from being finalised, the “absolutely devastating” quote being given to the media, the sending of the 2 September 2022 letter and the publication of the Opinion the same day:Given that publishing the Opinion would mean that legal professional privilege may have been waived (to the extent that the Opinion was covered by legal professional privilege in the first place), and given it would also mean that the Opinion would also not be covered by parliamentary privilege, the publication of the Opinion on the government website was a high-risk strategy.

The only explanation I can think for this is that the Opinion was commissioned by Johnson for the purpose of that publication.

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As this blog set out, the Opinion is not strong.

This is not just my view as a random legal blogger, but also that of the professor of public law at the University of Cambridge.

Indeed, there cannot be many weaker legal opinions that have ever been published.

That the Opinion was weak has now also been stated by the parliamentary committee itself, in a special report on the Opinion.

The committee in a mere six pages of its report refutes (and not just rebuts) the twenty-two page Opinion.

The committee’s report is, well, absolutely devastating.

The language is extraordinarily strong for such a report – for example, at paragraph 12:

“We consider this concern to be wholly misplaced and itself misleading.”

At paragraph 6, the committee says the Opinion“is founded on a systemic misunderstanding of the parliamentary process and misplaced analogies with the criminal law”.

And so on.

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Caption: legal commentators reading the committee report

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The committee, which is being advised by a former Lord Justice of Appeal who was president of the tribunal service (who can be expected to know about procedural fairness), could not have been more brutal about the merits of the Opinion.

And this is a committee which has Conservative members as well as opposition members.

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This whole exercise is rather strange.

This blogpost, like the previous blogpost, has not named the lawyers – and this is because we simply do not know what their respective instructions were.

And, as such, it would be unfair to name them in this context.

This is not just libel-speak – and there is nothing in this post which should make you think worse of any of the lawyers involved.

A lawyer is only as good as their instructions.

Instead the criticism should be for Johnson, who appears to have sought to bring media and public pressure to bear on the privileges committee by using public money to procure an opinion to be placed on the government’s website.

There was no obvious reason why this was a matter for the taxpayer, and there is no good reason why the Opinion was published on gov.uk on 2 September 2022.

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Perhaps the committee will find there was no contempt.

Perhaps the matter will just go away.

Perhaps there will be a political feeling that the former Prime Minister has been punished enough.

Who knows.

But what is certain is that there should be fresh consideration of the procurement of and publication of legal opinions by ministers (of any party).

Something rather irregular happened here, and it is not the sort of thing which should happen again.

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What is the point of legal blogging and legal commentary on social media?

21st September 2022

I have been asked to give a lecture by the University of Birmingham, where I went to law school (and where I am now an honorary lecturer).

The lecture will be on law, blogging, and social media.

(You din’t think they would let me near substantive law?)

I hope that the lecture can be released as a podcast and as a pdf.

I am putting some thoughts together – but my knowledge is limited.

I know about my own blogging and use of social media, and about that of some of my peers.

But my perspective is that of a provider of stuff, rather than as a consumer of stuff.

And so I was wondering what the readers of this blog thought about legal blogging and legal commentary on social media.

In particular, I should be grateful for responses to the following queries about the legal blogging and legal commentary on social media of others (and please not mine – please don’t use my stuff as examples):

Does legal blogging and legal commentary on social media provide any information or insight to you that you would not otherwise have access to?

Are there particular examples of posts or threads or videos or podcast episodes which you regard as especially helpful?

Does legal blogging and legal commentary on social media really help the public understanding of law?

And if so, how?

Do you use (and do you prefer) other sources of legal information – such as journals, the trade press, and the mainstream media?

And given law had managed quite well for thousands of years before the World Wide Web and social media/blogging/podcast platforms, is legal blogging and legal commentary on social media just a waste of time?

What, if anything, does it do which is new and different from other forms of media?

Any other thoughts welcome, especially if you have links to examples.

Many thanks.

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The “tragedy” of social media?

1st September 2022

There is a concept, of which many of you will be aware, called “the tragedy of the commons”.

It is a concept about which some people have Very Strong Opinions – and even referring it risks being swamped by “you don’t understand” responses – but it is a useful idea nonetheless.

In a way, it is an articulation of one general reason for why, as a species, we cannot have nice things.

Some people, somewhere – but definitely not you – are going to ruin things for everyone.

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Something akin – but not identical – is happening with social media platforms.

Just as this blog has recently referred to the 3 Ps – populism, polarisation, and post-truth – what is going badly in social media can be reduced to 3 As.

Abuse, Adverts, and Algorithms.

One response to the clutter, spam and trash one encounters on social media is to blame the platforms.

And the private companies that operate the platforms can and should do more to make using social media less unpleasant.

But.

The unpalatable truth about why social media platforms are often not nice places is because of the “social” part of social media, rather than the “media” part.

In other words: social media has not changed human nature, but made it more visible.

And what is happening on social media is what happens when you give large groups of people the means of instantly communicating with each other.

If this dismal observation is correct then seeking to regulate the “media” part of social media is destined to fail, because the ultimate problem is people, not platforms.

(Of course: other people, not you or me.)

And, if it is ultimately a “social” and not a “media” problem then its resolution will be in changes to social attitudes, not legal changes.

Just like people in large cities ignore each other when in close proximity, people may come to ignore each other in virtual communities.

The person shouting on the internet will be as shunned as the person shouting in the street.

Humans may perhaps adapt, once the novelty of social media wears off.

Or perhaps they will not, and social media will just get worse.

For sometimes it is people, and not regulations, that are to blame.

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The Law and Policy blog mentioned in this year’s MacTaggert lecture

24th August 2022

This blog has been mentioned today by Emily Maitlis in her MacTaggert lecture.

At 23:34.

The post she refers to is here – about how various constitutional ‘gatekeepers’ failed to prevent this government openly proposing to deliberately break international law.

The lecture is about the challenges for journalism in this age of populism.

If you would like to comment on her lecture generally – or her reference to this blog in particular – please do so below.

And thank you for following and in many cases supporting this blog – for without your following and support this blog would never have been in a position to be cited in such a prestigious lecture!

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Conspiracy theories and cock-up theories

18th August 2022

I am working on a couple of long posts, and one of these – about Freeports and so-called “Charter Cities” – involves consideration of “conspiracy theories”.

So I thought it may be useful, as a separate post, to consider this term.

I do not think it is a useful term in many discussions, because it is pejorative.

You may have considered, rational  opinions – but they believe in conspiracy theories.

Few people will admit readily that they believe – or could believe – in a conspiracy theory.

And so merely calling something a conspiracy theory is unlikely to change minds.

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This is not to say conspiracies do not exist.

Conspiracies do exist.

That people can act in concert for wrongful purposes is a common feature of everyday life.

Of course, there is also the cock-up theory.

And cock-ups – that is, things that happen by chance – also exist.

In my view, conspiracies often come into existence to cover-up the cock-ups – for it is only when there has been a mistake that there will be sufficient focus and motivation for people to act in concert.

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At this point in this discussion, someone will usually refer to “Hanlon’s Razor” – the rule that one should never attribute to malice that which is adequately explained by stupidity.

(They will often also link to an explanation of it, on the assumption you have not heard the term before.)

And Hanlon’s Razor may be a good general rule, but concerts and conspiracies do exist – and can be hidden under a guise of stupidity.

So Hanlon’s Razor is perhaps a sound presumption, but it should never be an absolute law.

A better approach when looking at something untoward is just to see where the evidence takes you, and what best explains that evidence.

Sometimes the evidence will point to a cock-up, sometimes to a conspiracy, and sometimes to a mix of both.

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People like to see patterns, people will tend to want their prejudices confirmed, and some people even find comfort in the idea that bad things happen for a reason.

Writing about issues of law and policy – especially controversial and topical issues – means that I realise some readers will just want their views endorsed and suspicions confirmed.

A few – a minority – will say instead they want their views challenged, and a smaller minority will actually want to be challenged.

But the readers I am writing for primarily are those who are aware of an issue and want understand it better so as to form their own views, and want also to have the tools to do so.

They are the people I blog for – and, indeed, blog with.

And so, oddly, even the act of regularly writing a blog in partnership with attentive readers is a form of concert.

Though, of course, if this blog is ever successful in explaining an issue well, then that will be sometimes by chance.

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Why we should look closely at legal cases in the news – even “Wagatha Christie”

2 August 2022

There are two sorts of legal blogging that I most enjoy.

One is a close reading of a document: working out how the document was put together, and reckoning the significance of what is said – and not said.

The other is a detailed examination of a legal case in the news: answering the question of “how the Hell did this end up in court?”

Both sorts of blogposts, if done well, are very satisfying to write and seem popular to read.

Other sorts of legal blogs – from expositions of black letter law to articulations of some view point – can also be interesting.

But only with the two sorts I like doing best do I get the sheer thrill of taking something topical and, by careful analysis, producing something new for people to consider.

The one problem, however, with writing about topical cases is that you often have to take them as you find them.

The subject matter of a case may be of no interest – or it may even be about something you dislike or even hate.

But with such cases it can still be worth asking that key question: “how the Hell did this end up in court?”

And by answering this question you understand a lot more about the case in the news – and about law and legal practice generally.

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Over at Prospect I have done a detailed analysis of how the Hell the “Wagatha Christie” case ended up in court.

I have no particular interest in the WAG phenomenon.

(Though I admit I enjoyed the defendant’s initial reveal post – and I assumed wrongly that she must have put her published reasoning together with the help of legal advice, but she did not.)

I also have no particular regard for the football players to whom the parties are married.

(Neither of them play or played for Aston Villa, Wolves or Nottingham Forest, which are the teams I follow.)

But I found the case fascinating – not least because this was a case that plainly should never have gone to court.

How the Hell did this end up in court?

It was a case that should have settled the moment the claimant realised the adverse evidence that was going to be put in at trial.

No technical win could be worth the impending PR disaster.

It was even a case that, given what the claimant knew even if she did not herself leak the information, should never have even been brought.

And this was notwithstanding that the claimant’s case was strong and she could have won the case, given what the defence had to prove and the the structure of libel law.

It was just a “Nooooooooooooooo” sort of case.

But the case was brought and not settled and it ended in a mess.

Cases that go to trial are often inherently interesting – they are exceptional.

By understanding what happens with cases that do end up in court, you also can gain a better understanding of why most such civil cases do not end up going to trial.

And this means you can have a better understanding of how the legal system works (or does not work) more widely.

As Ben Goldacre – whose science blogging was a model for my early legal blogging – once said: by understanding “bad science” you can get an understanding of good science.

Similarly by looking carefully at how cases get to trial you can get insights at how litigation works more generally.

Please do have a read of my Prospect piece – and come back and leave any sensible comment.

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Forgive me blowing this here trumpet:

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Some thoughts about the internet, law and politics

28th July 2022

From time to time there are fundamental shifts in human communication.

One was the invention of writing – where no longer would things have to rely on memory and oral transmission.

Information could be stored and it could travel distances.

Another was the invention of the printing press.

This meant that – in principle – it was now open to any person to publish and circulate information far more widely than before.

And this was why “the freedom of the press” was such an important principle – long before the advent of Fleet Street and modern newspapers.

Each of these two shifts meant that the ripples expanded of what was capable of being communicated and circulated.

Without writing a person is limited on how much information they can absorb and impart – and you are practically limited to what you remember and who you see face-to-face.

And without printing a person is limited to how much information they can personally publish – by hand copying or otherwise – and how widely that information can be distributed.

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When I was young, it was still practically impossible to circulate information without going through a gatekeeper.

If you wanted to publish or broadcast something to the world, you normally had to go through an established publisher or broadcaster.

Yes, in theory, one could self-publish a “vanity” book, or print a pamphlet, or take a boat in to the English Channel as a “pirate” radio station.

But unless you did one of these eccentric things, you pretty much had to rely on established publishers or broadcasters if you wanted to publish or broadcast your thoughts to the world.

And then came along the internet and the World Wide Web – or at least general access to the internet and the WWW.

At a stroke any person with an internet connection could publish and broadcast to the world.

The old technological boundaries dissolved.

The gatekeepers were still there – and established publishers or broadcasters are not gone (yet) – but they were no longer essential.

On either side of the gates there are now holes in the fences.

This is, I think, a revolution quite as profound as the invention of writing or the development of the press.

And I do not think we are yet fully aware of the consequences of this shift.

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For example, in my own area – law – the old certainties of legal liability were based on there being a moment where a thing was “published”.

Once a thing was “published” then there was potential exposure for liability in defamation or copyright which a person would not have a moment before.

And so publishers took the moment of publication seriously – and things were not published lightly.

Where the law of defamation most visibly broke down in pre-internet days was when you had a leaflet or a small-circulation pamphlet outside of established publishing practices – as in the McLibel or Tolstoy cases – and then there was a mismatch between the scale of the legal process and the scale of the publication.

Now, the McLibel or Tolstoy situation is the norm, and not the exception.

And it was ten years ago yesterday that the appeal was won in the once-famous Twitterjoketrial case, where communications legislation that predated social media was misused to prosecute a non-serious tweet.

(I was the appeal solicitor in that case.)

Now, new legislation needs to be premised on the existence of social media, rather than being strained to make it apply.

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The old channels of information transmission and exchange – be they newspaper titles or political parties – are having less and less purchase.

The political consequences of these declines are becoming apparent, but they are not fully worked through.

Some of the effects are unwelcome – as this blog set out this week with reference to the “3 Ps” – populism, polarisation, and post-truth.

And the sheer, unrelenting nastiness of “culture wars” shows what people can publish to the world when they no inhibitions.

Human beings – as primates – can be said to be bound by Dunbar’s Number – the number of meaningful social relationships one can have at one time.

In pre-internet days, even the greatest celebrities could control their contacts with more than a small group of people.

And now, there is the possibility of constant interactions with limitless people – and not just for celebrities.

Can we, as a species, cope?

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This fundamental shift has to be be accommodated by our constitutional and legal structures.

Otherwise, there will be constitutional and legal dislocations.

And – in the context of the “3 Ps” – populism, polarisation, and post-truth – it is difficult to see how our current constitutional and legal structures, derived primarily from the past, can easily survive.

They were not built for this – and neither, as a species, are we.

Even without the knavery and foolishness of the likes of Trump and Johnson, there are serious issues to be addressed about how we govern ourselves in this internet age.

Or even whether we can still govern ourselves effectively at all.

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Some thoughts about blogging and “style”

 1st July 2022

You will be somewhat bemused to know that this blog has featured in a style-guide for writing.

Yes, I know.

But it is true:

It would appear that this blog is regarded as having a distinctive style – and that the distinctive style is, in turn, regarded as being helpful to those interested in the topics covered by this blog.

So, on this Friday afternoon – as I put together some longer pieces for next week – I thought it may interest some of you for me to write something about why this blog has this distinctive (that is, peculiar) style.

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The main reason I write in one-sentence paragraphs on this blog is because it suits me – for it helps me organise and then express my thoughts.

With a one-sentence paragraph there is no hiding place for the author.

Either the one-sentence paragraph puts forward a worthwhile proposition or it does not.

With longer paragraphs – with multiple clauses and sentences – there is scope for waffle, inexactness, and evasion.

And so one-sentence paragraphs are a means of keeping an author sharp – they are a discipline.

Even if nobody read this blog – and one happy day constitutional law may again be so dull that nobody will read blogs about law and policy – I would still write in this style on this blog.

That may well be selfish, but it is true.

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And just as there is no hiding place in each one-sentence paragraph this also means there is no hiding place in a sequence of one-sentence paragraphs.

If there is a fault in the reasoning or the evidence, it will stand out.

The weakness in the chain will be evident – glaringly so.

This again helps me as a writer, but it also helps you as a reader.

If I make a mistake in my reasoning or with my evidence, you can quickly work out where I have gone astray.

You can either then dismiss the point I am seeking to convey or engage in the comments below (or on Twitter).

And so if my propositions are weak and/or my observations and illustrations banal and/or my arguments unsound, you will at least know where the fault is.

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Another advantage of short paragraphs – one-sentence or not – is that they are easier to read on the screen.

They are – for want of a better word – scrollable.

A reader may read five successive short paragraphs, but he or she may be put off from reading the same sentences in one long paragraph.

This is often not the case when reading from physical pages, but when you are reading from computer screen and other electronic devices, short crisp paragraphs are often more readable.

And this is especially helpful when there is a lot of ‘white space’ – and thanks to the generosity of my Patreon and Paypal supporters, this blog has not – yet – resorted to commercial advertising to blight the nice white space surrounding the words.

For to misquote a clever philosopher: there should be nothing outside the text.

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Another reason why I write like this is that I was brought up in tabloid-reading households.

You may not like such newspapers – and you may prefer broadsheets with their correspondingly broad passages.

But writing brisk short sentences about current affairs is a skill in and of itself, and for most of my childhood that is how I read both news and comment.

(The veteran newspaperman Neil Wallis once told me he had guessed from my blogging that I had been brought up in a tabloid-reading household, and he was right.)

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So there are advantages of blogging in this way, both for the author and for the readers.

But.

It is not the ‘right’ way.

And this is because there is no ‘right’ way.

There are instead ways of blogging that work for both writers and readers – and there are ways that do not.

Some of the gods of British blogging – such as Chris Grey on Brexit and Lawrence Freedman on strategy and war – provide highly readable, compelling blogs with detailed multi-sentence paragraphs.

As did the greatest of all British legal bloggers, the late Sir Henry Brooke – who, wonderfully, came to blogging after being a court of appeal judge.

His blog – which is thankfully still online years after his death – is a must-read for anyone interested in the law.

So there are a number of ways of blogging.

It all comes down to what suits the writer, and to what suits the readers (if any).

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But.

There are disadvantages of this blog’s approach.

Some propositions are complex and so require more than can be packed into one sentence.

You then get odd-looking long sentences that try so hard to keep everything in one sentence – but they are obviously contrived, and they are as awkward to read as they are awkward to write, and so should never have been started in the first place; and they often resort to sub-clauses just to keep to the somewhat artificial one-sentence rule.

Such sentences should be avoided.

As Orwell averred after offering his rules for good political writing:

Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous.”

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So the style of this blog is adopted mainly for the selfish reason that it helps me to think clearly and to organise and express those thoughts.

And if blogging in multi-sentence paragraphs helped me do the same, then I would blog like that instead.

One-sentence paragraphs are therefore not a model, but just a technique.

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Overall, the best guide to good writing is that it is not about the writing, but about the thinking.

If you think clearly, you will tend to write (and speak) clearly.

And if you do not think clearly, then no style-guide will help you.

For, as the techies say: garbage in, garbage out.

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