28th October 2021
Over at the London Review of Books there is a fascinating and informative review by Ferdinand Mount.
The review is of a book by Julian Hoppit about the history of tax and spending in the United Kingdom (which I have not yet read), but there are some thought-provoking points in Mount’s review.
The points in the review are, in effect, useful counter-balances to the usual critique of the United Kingdom constitution on blogs like this one and from other liberal constitutionalists.
*
This usual critique is that there is an inherent illiberal problem with the constitution of the United Kingdom: that the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy creates a real scope for political dictatorship – even if this possibility has not (yet) been fully realised.
There is nothing to stop it, for there is nothing that can gainsay the legislative supremacy of parliament – and so an executive with an ascendancy in parliament faces no ultimate checks and balances.
*
It was not always like this, of course.
In the early 1600s, the great lawyer Edward Coke averred that there were limits to what could be done by acts of parliament:
“for when an act of Parliament is against common right and reason, or repugnant, or impossible to be performed, the common law will control it, and adjudge such an Act to be void”.
But the political facts of the civil wars of the mid-1600s and of the deposition of a reigning monarch in 1688 meant that parliament became, in practice, legislatively omnipotent.
And this political reality was fixed into rigid ideological doctrine in the late 1800s by A. V. Dicey, whose articulation of the sovereignty of the crown-in-parliament has been orthodoxy ever since.
*
As this doctrine of parliamentary supremacy took hold, there were voices of alarm.
In 1929, the sitting Lord Chief Justice – Hewart – published The New Despotism warning of the implication of the power of a government that controlled the legislature, for it would tend “to subordinate Parliament, to evade the Courts, and to render the will, or the caprice, of the Executive unfettered and supreme”.
In 1976, the Tory (former and future) Lord Chancellor Lord Hailsham warned of an “elective dictatorship”.
Both Hewart and Hailsham were experienced politicians as well as senior judges, and they could see how flimsy were the ultimate checks and balances on the executive.
All we had to rely on is what the constitutional historian Peter Hennessy has described as ‘the good chaps theory of government’.
This described how self-restraint was the primary reason why the executive did not carried away with its unchecked constitutional power.
And in an age of Boris Johnson and Dominic Cummings (and of Donald Trump and Steve Bannon), this is not a comforting prospect.
*
So how did we end up like this?
Why has the United Kingdom state almost sleepwalked into creating the conditions where raw executive power is effectively unchecked?
Mount’s review provides an interesting explanation.
The explanation is that this was not any conscious political intention, but the implication and by-product of the fiscal state.
Here Mount’s review starts with this wonderful anecdote:
“‘You were so generous, you British,’ Hans-Dietrich Genscher, West Germany’s perpetual foreign minister in the 1980s, once remarked: ‘You gave us a decentralised federal structure and a proportional system of election so that never again could we concentrate power at the centre, but you took neither of these for yourselves.’ Canadians and Australians could say much the same […]”
Mount then explains why we did not take the liberal constitutionalist course we imposed on others:
“The answer provided by one strong, perhaps dominant, tradition in English historiography is that monarchy, single rule, is a remarkably effective system, the secret of England’s survival and, for many centuries, the driving force behind the expansion of its power. Hence monarchy’s enduring popularity. […]
“Kings of England commanded a range of power and control over all subjects which outdistanced supposedly greater monarchs on the Continent.’
“This power consisted, above all, in the capacity to collect taxes. There were popular eruptions and, of course, exceptions (smuggling was one nagging drain on revenue), but between the poll tax riots of 1381 and the poll tax riots of 1990, what’s remarkable is the docility, by and large, with which the English paid their taxes, even when they reached monstrous levels to finance the Napoleonic Wars and the world wars of the 20th century.
“[…] after each convulsion – the Civil War, the Glorious Revolution, the Great Reform Bill, universal suffrage – the essential supremacy of the queen-in-Parliament (‘absolute omnipotence’, in Dicey’s phrase) re-emerged virtually unchanged.
“In this version of history, Parliament itself is reduced to a serviceable appendage for securing popular assent.”
(By the way, Mount’s review is more nuanced than the quotations above may indicate, so don’t take those quotations as the entirety of his stated position.)
*
In other words: what makes no sense – and is akin to madness – from a liberal constitutionalist perspective, makes perfect sense from a fiscal perspective.
The executive’s abilities to impose taxation and to obtain revenue, and to have general consent in doing both, benefits greatly from the crown-in-parliament.
Translating finance bills in to acts of parliament is the thing.
And because of this, few front-rank politicians of any party would want to question, still less disturb this happy political situation – other than legal-political observers like Hewart and Hailsham.
Politicians and parties simply want the keys to this efficient fiscal-legal-political state.
And indeed a great deal of the United Kingdom constitution – and its history – is best understood from a fiscal perspective – including the respective powers of the two houses of parliament following the 1909-11 constitutional crisis.
*
But.
What happens when the priorities of a government are not limited to the mundane business of tax-and-spend, but expand instead to wanting to use the executive in hyper-partisan exercises to stoke endless culture wars, and so on.
For not only do new ministers get they keys to the efficient fiscal-legal-political state, they also get the keys to unchecked executive power more generally.
*
What is useful about being informed (or reminded) as to why the constitution of the United Kingdom came to be in its current arrangement is that at least it explains a thing which is a horror from a liberal constitutionalist perspective.
And it forces the question: can the constitution of the United Kingdom be reformed so as to become less of this liberal constitutionalist horror without losing the fiscal-legal-political efficiency that politicians (and – presumably – their voters) find so attractive and will not plausibly relinquish?
This is a difficult question.
******
This blog needs your help to continue – each free-to-read post takes time and opportunity cost.
This law and policy blog provides a daily post commenting on and contextualising topical law and policy matters.
If you value this free-to-read and independent legal and policy commentary – for the you and for the benefit of others – please do support through the Paypal box above, or become a Patreon subscriber.
*****
You can also have each post sent by email by filling in the subscription box above (on an internet browser) or on a pulldown list (on mobile).
******
Comments Policy
This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.
Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated.
Comments will not be published if irksome.