Why we should look closely at legal cases in the news – even “Wagatha Christie”

2 August 2022

There are two sorts of legal blogging that I most enjoy.

One is a close reading of a document: working out how the document was put together, and reckoning the significance of what is said – and not said.

The other is a detailed examination of a legal case in the news: answering the question of “how the Hell did this end up in court?”

Both sorts of blogposts, if done well, are very satisfying to write and seem popular to read.

Other sorts of legal blogs – from expositions of black letter law to articulations of some view point – can also be interesting.

But only with the two sorts I like doing best do I get the sheer thrill of taking something topical and, by careful analysis, producing something new for people to consider.

The one problem, however, with writing about topical cases is that you often have to take them as you find them.

The subject matter of a case may be of no interest – or it may even be about something you dislike or even hate.

But with such cases it can still be worth asking that key question: “how the Hell did this end up in court?”

And by answering this question you understand a lot more about the case in the news – and about law and legal practice generally.

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Over at Prospect I have done a detailed analysis of how the Hell the “Wagatha Christie” case ended up in court.

I have no particular interest in the WAG phenomenon.

(Though I admit I enjoyed the defendant’s initial reveal post – and I assumed wrongly that she must have put her published reasoning together with the help of legal advice, but she did not.)

I also have no particular regard for the football players to whom the parties are married.

(Neither of them play or played for Aston Villa, Wolves or Nottingham Forest, which are the teams I follow.)

But I found the case fascinating – not least because this was a case that plainly should never have gone to court.

How the Hell did this end up in court?

It was a case that should have settled the moment the claimant realised the adverse evidence that was going to be put in at trial.

No technical win could be worth the impending PR disaster.

It was even a case that, given what the claimant knew even if she did not herself leak the information, should never have even been brought.

And this was notwithstanding that the claimant’s case was strong and she could have won the case, given what the defence had to prove and the the structure of libel law.

It was just a “Nooooooooooooooo” sort of case.

But the case was brought and not settled and it ended in a mess.

Cases that go to trial are often inherently interesting – they are exceptional.

By understanding what happens with cases that do end up in court, you also can gain a better understanding of why most such civil cases do not end up going to trial.

And this means you can have a better understanding of how the legal system works (or does not work) more widely.

As Ben Goldacre – whose science blogging was a model for my early legal blogging – once said: by understanding “bad science” you can get an understanding of good science.

Similarly by looking carefully at how cases get to trial you can get insights at how litigation works more generally.

Please do have a read of my Prospect piece – and come back and leave any sensible comment.

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Forgive me blowing this here trumpet:

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What may be the real problem with the”Wagatha Christie” case

18th May 2022

The “Wagatha Christie” case is currently adding to the gaiety of the nation.

And as the wise Marina Hyde avers in her Guardian column, the case indicates the truth that one should avoid civil litigation wherever possible.

But as the legal journalist John Hyde points out in his Law Gazette blog, avoiding litigation is what litigation lawyers spend a lot of their time advising clients to do.

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Litigation is risky and expensive – and not only for the clients.

The notion that the lawyers will be dancing all the way to the bank whatever happens is not correct – some outcomes will not make them dance at all.

And, as this blog has previously pointed out, a high-profile and/or high-value civil trial usually means there has been a failure somewhere.

(In general, a civil trial is where one party sues another, as opposed to a criminal trial where the state prosecutes a party.)

This is because the process of civil litigation is geared towards settlement of a dispute before it reaches trial.

Trials – like battles – are expensive and unpredictable.

Trials also hand practical control of the case to a third party – the court.

So just as the prudent general seeks to prevail against their opponent without risking an open battle, so does the prudent civil litigator.

Civil litigators generally prefer to settle on the best possible terms than risk any trial.

This is especially true in a case where either the evidence or the law is stacked obviously in favour of one party and against the other.

On the face of it – the “Wagatha Christie” case is one-sided – at least in respect of what has been reported from court and the documents disclosed.

And few would say that the claimant has come out of the hearings well, on any view of the overall merits.

This is not a case that should ever have gone to trial.

So – how has such a case ended up in court?

One possible explanation is that the court reporting and publicly disclosed documents are misleading us onlookers, and that the case is finely balanced – and both sides are confident of victory.

This does happen in civil litigation sometimes – though usually be the time the two sides know the respective cases, and the evidence to be relied on, both the parties’ lawyers will usually have a common assessment of the merits of the claim.

A second explanation is that one or both of the parties is/are determined to have ‘their day in court’.

In other words: it is open to a client to disregard the advice of their lawyer to settle on the best possible terms.

And here, even if Rebekah Vardy wins the claim, she has lost overall.

There is a third explanation.

This is that the costs of the litigation – the various overall costs consequences and elaborate funding mechanisms – now mean that the parties are locked into a trial, as the chance of success outweighs the burden of costs they may incur.

In essence, the parties are going to trial because it would now be too expensive to settle.

You then have the spectacle of a trial going ahead which the parties probably do not want, the lawyers no doubt advised against, but it is now too expensive for settlement.

I do not know if this is what has happened in the ‘Wagatha Christie’ case – I will leave the detective work to the peerless Coleen Rooney.

But there has been a failure somewhere.

It is a mistake for onlookers to assume that the parties and the lawyers necessarily wanted this spectacle to go ahead – they may not have had an alternative once the case had got so far.

And so the problem is not necessarily the bad decisions of a party or the bad advice of lawyers, but a systemic problem with high-profile and/or high-value civil cases.

If so, then it is the civil litigation system that is adding to the gaiety of the nation, and not just the parties and their lawyers.

Charles Dickens would understand.

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“Take A View” – the three words with which P & O and others will internally justify breaking civil law obligations

25th March 2022

“How can you defend someone you know to be guilty?” is the one question almost all lawyers will be asked at one time.

But it is perhaps a question about the wrong lawyers and about the wrong area of law.

The question presupposes criminal lawyers and criminal law.

Yet no criminal lawyer can actively defend as not guilty someone who has admitted their guilt (though the prosecution can still be put to proof).

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There is a far more difficult question for those who advise on civil rather than criminal liability.

(Civil law is, in general, about the legal obligations that we owe each other in contract, or tort, or otherwise – as opposed to obligations we owe to the state.)

The question is: “How can you defend someone you know to have deliberately breached civil obligations?”

For what often happens in civil law is that the client will know that they are (or will be) in breach of a contract, or of a duty of care, or of some other legal obligation.

But they do not care.

They just want to know the consequences of that breach – whether they can avoid or mitigate the consequences.

The lawyer will, in turn, explain the consequences of the breach – the likelihood of actually being sued and the amount of damages and so on.

The client will then assess whether the breach is worth the trouble.

They will – to use a common phrase in legal practice – ‘take a view’.

That the ‘view’ being ‘taken’ is a view on whether they should risk breaching a legal obligation is not said aloud.

The relevant exchange is in the following form:

Client: Can I do [x]?

Lawyer: If you do [x] then there is a risk of [y] legal liability.

Client: Ok, we will take a view.

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Some lawyers would say there is nothing wrong with this.

If there is a breach, and the party adversely affected sues successfully, then the injured party will be compensated and (supposedly) placed in the position they would be in had the legal wrong not happened.

A breach of contract will lead to damages to put the injured party in the position had the promise been fulfilled.

In (most) torts, the injured party will have damages intended to place them in the position had the tort not been committed.

And so on.

In effect – damages and so on are the cost of business.

Like professional fouls in association football.

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And this is how one suspects the bosses at P & O went about breaking the law in respect of sacking their staff.

It was not because they did not realise that there would be legal consequences.

But instead they knew that if they budgeted for the resulting compensation payments, they would head off any legal claims.

They would deliberately break civil obligations knowing that they could manage any civil risk.

They would ‘take a view’.

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Postscripts – from Twitter:

 

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A libel defeat for the Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation

8th March 2022

Today’s post will be just a short one, so as to link and draw attention to this judgment.

Paragraphs 38 and 39 are beautiful and quietly lethal.

By way of background, the corporate claimant – the Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation – sued in respect of the outstanding book Kleptopia.

(Buy it here – EDIT This is now an Amazon link, as the previous Bookseller link says they are out of stock.)

The judge held that the book did not hold the defamatory meanings pleaded:

“In short, the Book does not bear the defamatory meaning contended for by the Claimant because, read in their proper context, the allegations complained of by the Claimant do not refer to any ENRC corporation” (paragraph 36).

But.

The judge goes on and says, in effect: hang on, this book does make serious allegations about the claimant, so why is the claimant not suing on those serious allegations?

Why, asked the judge in effect, is the Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation not suing for being called “[a] corporate front – “a charade” [ ] used [ ] for criminal activities including corruption, money laundering, theft and embezzlement. “

Well, why indeed.

This, of course, is not an express admission by the Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation that it is such a front.

But one suspects these judicial comments in a legally privileged, public judgment were not those sought by the claimant in bringing this case.

Less SLAPP – and more of a slap-down.

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Disclosure and disclaimer: the journalist defendant also works for the Financial Times, where I am a freelance ‘contributing editor’ but nothing in this post refers (or is intended to refer) to any case brought by Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation against any other FT entities and/or individuals; and I also long ago happened to work for the claimant’s law firm.

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When both lawyers and the law are to blame

4th March 2022

Over at the Financial Times I have a piece on the extent to which lawyers are to be blamed for the abuse of English law by oligarchs.

The article is, in turn, an elaboration of a post I did at this blog earlier this week – and it is a topic I have also tweeted about.

And one response has been to assume that my attempt to say that lawyers are not entirely to blame means that it is being suggested that lawyers are not at all to blame.

I have been careful to state – and explain – that lawyers are culpable, and that solicitors especially get to choose who they act for and in what way.

This is not good enough for some commenters – and I have been told that I am somehow making excuses.

But the problem is with any area of law that relates to dreadful things – oligarchs, torture, slavery, police brutality – there are both systems and individual agency.

This is an area this blog has explored before.

And the focus on either systems or individual agency does not give you a full understanding of how the law and lawyers can enable such bad things to happen.

It has not been pleasant getting the ire that some want to dump on lawyers generally – but until and unless we can see that problems can be both systemic and personal, we are unlikely to resolve those problems.

And just jeering at lawyers, while satisfying, can be a substitute for meaningful reform of bad law and bad legal practice.

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A government should not be able to deprive people of possessions and property by mere ministerial diktat

3rd March 2022

Yesterday’s short post turned out to be rather popular, with a number of informed and insightful comments.

(Perhaps that is a hint that I should keep these blogposts succinct!)

The question puzzling me today is whether those clamouring for United Kingdom sanctions against oligarchs realise that it is not a good thing for the government to have summary powers to deprive individuals of possessions and other property.

When the government uses summary powers, say, to deport members of the Windrush generation, or to remove a person’s British citizenship, then liberal rightly are concerned.

Individuals have rights, and there are things no person or group may do to them, without violating their rights.

And if all individuals have rights, and oligarchs are individuals, then it follows that oligarchs have rights.

These rights may not be absolute – and property rights especially can be subject to interferences by the state.

But such interferences need to have a lawful and reasonable basis and follow due process.

And this is the same for oligarchs, as it is for anyone else.

That the government cannot just deprive people of possessions and property by mere ministerial diktat is not a bad thing in a liberal society.

And those who clap and cheer at the prospect of possessions and property being taken by the state without any lawful and reasonable basis, and without due process, should be careful what they wish for.

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Guiffre v Andrew – an explainer about civil claims, and why they usually settle

15th February 2022

Today the news broke that there had been a settlement in the claim brought by Virginia Guiffre against Prince Andrew.

For non-lawyers, such a settlement may have seemed a surprise.

This post explains why almost all civil claims settle – in America as well as in England.

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In general terms, a civil claim is when one party sues another party.

This is opposed to say when the state prosecutes a party – where the process often ends in court for a trial, or (if there is an early guilty plea) at least for sentencing.

In effect, party A wants a remedy from party B in respect of a legal wrong.

In many cases, it is bleedingly obvious to party B (and party A) whether party A actually has a case or does not have a case.

And in those circumstances either party B provides a remedy or party A does not take the case any further.

But.

There will be cases where party A and party B have different views as to the merits of the case, or as to what they would be prepared to offer and accept for the case to settle.

And so a type of choreography begins.

The civil litigation negotiation dance.

To non-lawyers, it may seem that the court – and a trial – is central to the process of a civil claim, and that a hearing and a trial is the natural end-point.

And that any departure from this supposed norm is somehow incorrect.

But in most cases, the court process provides merely the parameters of a negotiation between the parties.

Each party will seek – strategically and tactically – to use the court process to strengthen their negotiating position, or to weaken the other side’s position.

Both sides – or at least their lawyers – will know this from the beginning – and will game-plan accordingly

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In the case of Andrew, several unconvincing (indeed desperate) technical and jurisdictional defenses were mounted.

And Guiffre’s lawyers, in turn, had to dismantle each defense.

Andrew and his lawyers never seemed to emphasise a substantive defense, on the facts.

So, when all the technical and jurisdictional defenses were lost – and as Andrew’s substantive defense was not being robustly promoted – Andrew and his lawyers were placed in a very weak negotiating position.

And so, Andrew and his lawyers settled on disadvantageous terms.

Guiffre and Guiffre’s lawyers did a very good job.

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Sometimes civil cases do not settle.

Sometimes parties are unrealistic or irrational.

Sometimes there is a wider point to establish – for example the ownership of a property right.

Sometimes – rarely – there is a genuinely novel point of law that means neither side knows the strengths and weaknesses of their case.

(And sometimes in England and Wales, special rules about legal costs may mean a party has to go to trial as they are trapped by onerous costs consequences if they settle.)

But usually, civil litigation is about deal-making – though deal-making in a particular context.

It is about leverage, choosing terms of engagement, logistics, tactics, and strategy.

The Art of Law, as Sun Tzu would have put it.

Yes: some may enjoy the theatrical glamour of the criminal courts.

But for others (including me) it is civil litigation which holds the most interest.

It is like the game of chess, but with correspondence, evidence, pleadings and, sometimes, even law.

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A legal look at the Giuffre settlement agreement on which Prince Andrew is seeking to rely

5th January 2022

A happy new year to all the readers of this law and policy blog, and welcome back.

Today’s post is about civil law – that is the law which (broadly) deals with the legal obligations we owe to each other, as opposed to criminal law which (broadly) deals with the obligations we have to the state.

In essence: in civil law you can sue or be sued, and in criminal law you can be prosecuted or not prosecuted.

Civil law – especially contract law – is fascinating, and this post takes a topical legal agreement as the basis for explaining about civil law generally and contract law in particular.

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The topical legal agreement is the recently disclosed settlement agreement between Virginia Giuffre and the now dead Jeffrey Epstein, on which (Prince) Andrew is currently seeking to rely in American litigation.

I have chosen this as a topic because it is rare for the substance of any legal agreement to be newsworthy – and legal commentators have to take our examples as we find them.

I have no view on the underlying litigation as I do not know the facts – and I have no particular view on Andrew other than a general preference for republican government and a disdain for inherited titles.

My sole purpose in this post is to use a topical legal agreement for promoting the public understanding of law.

(By way of background, I am not an American lawyer, but an English lawyer with experience of contracts and civil litigation who has spent part of their career dealing with American contracts and civil litigation, and this post draws on principles I believe are common to English and American contract law.)

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Let’s start by looking at the agreement – click and open tab here.

It is, in essence, a seven-page agreement – and so pages 2 to 8 of the pdf are the ones to focus on.

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A preliminary question is how seriously we should take the agreement as something agreed to by both Epstein and Giuffre – was it a one-sided imposition, or something freely negotiated with both sides getting legal advice?

Clause 9(c) tells us ‘This Settlement Agreement was negotiated and entered into by the Parties with the advice and assistance of respective counsel.’

This means that it is not, say, a standard form contract – but one which has been negotiated by lawyers with each party having legal advice (and the lawyers are even listed at the end of the document).

This in turn means a court will take seriously what was agreed, and it will seek to give effect to what was agreed between the legally advised parties.

This is reinforced by clause 9(a), which provides that the parties ‘confirm and acknowledge that this Settlement Agreement is being entered into without any duress or undue influence, and that they have had a full and complete opportunity to discuss the terms of the Settlement Agreement with their own attorneys.’

Of course, such a provision can – in principle – be disapplied if it is factually untrue and there was actual duress.

On the face of it, this was not an agreement imposed by one party on the other, but one which was negotiated by both parties with the benefit of legal advice.

So, again on the face of it, this is an agreement by which both Epstein and Giuffre intended to be bound.

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With that preliminary question addressed, we come to the first big question.

What was the purpose of the agreement?

This is what can be called a question of construction – putting together the agreement as a whole so that we can then, as the next stage, interpret any constituent part.

With any legal instrument, and especially contracts, construction precedes interpretation.

Here there is a clue to the purpose in the title: Settlement Agreement and General Release.

This title indicates the agreement is doing two things – and you will see that these two things are, in turn, set out respectively in clauses 1 and 2.

But before we get to clauses 1 and 2 we can also see, almost as a recital, that the parties Giuffre and Epstein both entered the agreement so as to ‘resolve the pending litigation’ between them.

This litigation is then set out in clause 1: the parties agree to dismiss a civil claim brought by Giuffre against Epstein in the Florida courts.

But clause 1 only covers part of what was agreed.

For clause 2 then sets out the General Release.

This further provision sets out a more general release than ending one particular case.

Here Giuffre accepts a substantial sum (US$500,000) – as opposed to say a nominal sum – in return for the release.

In respect of Epstein the release provides that Giuffre shall ‘remise, release, acquit, satisfy, and forever discharge [Epstein][…] from all, and all manner of, action and actions of [Guiffre] , including State or Federal, cause and causes of action (common law or statutory), suits, debts, dues, sums of money, accounts, reckonings, bonds, bills, specialties, covenants, contracts, controversies, agreements, promises, variances, trespasses, damages, judgments, executions, claims, and demands whatsoever in law or in equity for compensatory or punitive damages that [Giuffre] ever had or now have, or that any personal representative, successor, heir, or assign of [Giuffre] hereafter can, shall, or may have, against Jeffrey Epstein […] for, upon, or by reason of any matter, cause, or thing whatsoever (whether known or unknown), from the beginning of the world to the day of this release.’

This is a comprehensive list of things for which Giuffre agrees she cannot now sue Epstein.

Epstein was not only released from the current case but other cases, State and Federal.

If Giuffre was ever to litigate against Epstein again, then Epstein’s lawyers would have sought to rely on this release and have the case thrown out.

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But.

The release is not just in respect of Epstein, but also for other persons.

I will now quote the provision again but with what I had omitted now in bold:

Giuffre shall ‘remise, release, acquit, satisfy, and forever discharge [Epstein] and any other person or entity who could have been included as a potential defendant (“Other Potential Defendants”) from all, and all manner of, action and actions of [Guiffre] , including State or Federal, cause and causes of action (common law or statutory), suits, debts, dues, sums of money, accounts, reckonings, bonds, bills, specialties, covenants, contracts, controversies, agreements, promises, variances, trespasses, damages, judgments, executions, claims, and demands whatsoever in law or in equity for compensatory or punitive damages that [Giuffre] ever had or now have, or that any personal representative, successor, heir, or assign of [Giuffre] hereafter can, shall, or may have, against Jeffrey Epstein, or Other Potential Defendants for, upon, or by reason of any matter, cause, or thing whatsoever (whether known or unknown), from the beginning of the world to the day of this release.’

These provisions in bold purport to extend the General Release granted to Epstein to other persons or entities – to give them exactly the same protection from further state and federal lawsuits as Epstein.

The term in bold, however, is not clearly drafted.

One reading is that the Other Potential Defendants are those who, on the facts alleged in the Florida litigation, could have been added as defendants to that litigation.

This would perhaps make sense as a matter of construction, as this agreement settles the case in respect of civil wrongs – torts – alleged to have happened in respect of which the Florida court had or has jurisdiction.

This reading is reinforced by the provision in clause 1 that the Court will be asked to retain jurisdiction to enforce the terms of this settlement agreement.

Clause 7 expressly provides that the parties envisaged this matter also capable of being litigated in federal courts (bold added):

In the event of litigation arising out of a dispute over the interpretation of this Settlement Agreement, the prevailing party shall be entitled to recover its cost of litigation, including attorneys’ fees and other reasonable costs of litigation. Should the federal court not retain jurisdiction, the Parties (and any third party) agree that the courts of the 15™ Judicial Circuit of Palm Beach County shall have exclusive jurisdiction over the subject matter and shall have personal jurisdiction over the Parties (and third parties).’

What the agreement does not seem to envisage, however, is the matter being litigated in another state, other than Florida.

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In my view, the General Release probably should be constructed as providing protection to Other Potential Defendants in respect of the issues raised in the Florida proceedings.

(This narrow construction would be notwithstanding the General Release is in more general terms than the dismissal in clause 1.)

So, if Andrew – by reasons of residence/jurisdiction, or the facts alleged by Giuffre in the Florida case – was not capable of being a defendant to the Florida proceedings then – as a matter of construction – then it is difficult for me to see how he can take the benefit of the General Release.

The agreement would not have been for him.

In essence: if Andrew could not have been jointly or separately liable for the tort claim within the Florida jurisdiction then the General Release may not apply.

That said: a judge could take a wider view of what the General Release covers, and that it covers not just the Florida allegations.

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There is, however, a possible problem here for Giuffre’s lawyers – for the term Other Potential Defendants must mean something.

The term Other Potential Defendants cannot mean nothing – for this is a negotiated and formal agreement, and the presumption is against surplusage.

If Giuffre’s lawyers contend that the General Release does not extend to Andrew, they must be able to explain who actually was to be covered by by the term Other Potential Defendants.

What Giuffre’s lawyers need to be able to do is to show who would be in the class of Other Potential Defendants – if not Andrew.

And if they can give a plausible meaning to that phrase without it including Andrew then they will address this problem.

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Now we turn to interpretation, as opposed to construction.

Some commentators, with little or no background in contract law, have gone straight to the term Other Potential Defendants and speculated what that phrase could mean.

But a clause is not a legal instrument, and still less a selected quote from a clause.

Yes, Andrew – like you reading this – is a potential defendant: indeed everyone other than Giuffre is.

But a settlement and a General Release in respect of a Florida case is unlikely to create a legal basis of releasing all potential defendants everywhere in the world in respect of any claim brought by Giuffre about anything – not least because the Florida court would not have jurisdiction to enforce such a general release.

In whatever way Other Potential Defendants is to be interpreted as including and not including, it is not an exercise in anything goes.

Other Potential Defendants cannot be interpreted as including Andrew if, as a matter of construction, the agreement would not apply to him.

On the other hand, if Andrew could plausibly have been added as a defendant to the original Florida case, then the phrase can be interpreted so as to include him.

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But.

Even if the agreement can be constructed so as to cover Andrew and the phrase Other Potential Defendant interpreted as including him, there are two further problems for his lawyers.

The first is that, whatever is said on the face of the agreement, there can be rules of law and public policy that may preclude reliance on such an agreement by a defendant in another case in another state.

The essence of Andrew’s objection is that Giuffre should not be allowed to sue him for alleged civil wrongs – that she should not even have access to a court for a determination of her case.

No court will simply nod-along with such a contention – it is a serious matter to remove a person’s right of access to a court.

And so even if Andrew can be brought within the terms of the General Release, a judge may find as a matter of policy that the claim brought by Giuffre should be heard anyway.

A court, of course, would not be likely to do this if the claim was brought against Epstein (or his estate), as he was full square within the terms of the General Release.

But Andrew is at least one step away.

The second further problem is that, even if the agreement can be constructed as to cover Andrew and the phrase Other Potential Defendant interpreted as including him, it may not be legally open to Andrew directly to enforce the provision.

Andrew was not privy – that is, a party – to the original agreement (and, indeed, he is not even named).

This legal principle of privity of contract prevents a stranger to a contract either taking the benefit or bearing the burden of an agreement to which they are not a party.

In essence: it would have been for Epstein (or his estate?) to enforce the term protecting Other Potential Defendants, and not Andrew or another potential defendant directly.

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For completeness, you will see the agreement also provides the following:

‘It is further agreed that this Settlement Agreement represents a final resolution of a disputed claim and is intended to avoid litigation. This Settlement Agreement shall not be construed to be an admission of liability or fault by any party. Additionally, as a material consideration in settling, First Parties and Second Parties agree that the terms of this Settlement Agreement are not intended to be used by any other person nor be admissible in any proceeding or case against or involving Jeffrey Epstein, either civil or criminal.’

Some commentators have leapt on this provision, but I do not think it takes us in any direction very far (though the judge may disagree).

It is not Giuffre who is seeking to rely on the settlement agreement – but a third party.

And the terms are not being relied on by Andrew as admissible evidence of liability or otherwise, but on a question of law in respect of jurisdiction.

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As I aver above, I am not an American lawyer, but an English lawyer with experience of contracts and civil litigation who has spent part of their career dealing with American contracts and civil litigation.

But even if this agreement were under English law, I could not confidently predict what a judge would do.

This is because the agreement – while clear in its primary aim of protecting Epstein from further suit – is not clear about third parties, and this is no doubt because that the position of third parties was not the main purpose of the agreement.

The agreement has been taken from its primary context of protecting Epstein and into a context which the parties perhaps did not envisage.

And so it is not a surprise that the agreement is less clear in this context.

Had the lawyers for the parties in this agreement expected this contract to be used by third parties, then the provisions in respect of third parties would be set out more clearly – but they did not, and so they are not.

*

We are currently awaiting the judge’s decision on whether Andrew can rely on this agreement.

In my view, Andrew’s lawyers have the far harder task.

They have to show that, as a matter of construction and interpretation, the General Release covers him when he is not named and is not a party to the agreement; that no rule of law and policy means he loses that protection; and that he can enforce the protection regardless of the lack of privity.

All this, so as to extinguish Giuffre’s right of access to the court, which no court will do lightly in any case.

Giuffre, in turn, only has to succeed on one of these points – though her lawyers will need to explain what Other Potential Defendants means if not the likes of Andrew.

And even if Andrew succeeds on this technical defense, Giuffre may still win on appeal.

In summary and in conclusion: Andrew’s lawyers should be prepared to defend the substantial claim, rather than to rely on this technical defense.

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Laws are to be suspended and the army is to be called in – and why we should be concerned when activating the law of civil contingencies becomes a civil necessity

27th September 2021

Once upon a time it would be sensational news that the army was to be called in and that laws were to be suspended.

It would indicate, perhaps, something about either a failed state or an unforeseen emergency, or both.

As it is, the news seems almost commonplace – and that it would be more exceptional nowadays for the news to be less sensational.

The laws that are to be suspended are competition laws – which (we are told) would otherwise prevent petrol companies from coordinating with each other.

I am not an energy law specialist – though I know a little about competition law – and it would be interesting to know exactly how current competition laws would prevent coordination in the current situation.

This law-suspension exercise has the grand name of ‘activating the Downstream Oil Protocol’.

*

‘Dispatch War Rocket Ajax.’

Flash Gordon screenplay, 1980

*

And the official statement is here, and it includes this:

‘Known as The Downstream Oil Protocol, this step will allow Government to work constructively with fuel producers, suppliers, hauliers and retailers to ensure that disruption is minimised as far as possible.

‘The measure will make it easier for industry to share information, so that they can more easily prioritise the delivery of fuel to the parts of the country and strategic locations that are most in need.’

As competition law in this respect is about preventing what would otherwise be cartel behaviour, then it would appear that the fuel industry want to (or need to) do something between themselves that would otherwise carry potential legal risk as cartel behaviour.

Perhaps more will be come clear on this as the protocol is activated, though it seems such relaxations of competition law have been done before in other recent emergencies:

If this is what is being done, we should note that the relaxations – or suspensions -of law do not have any real parliamentary oversight or control.

*

And now the army.

(Source)

But as this news report explains:

“It is understood that it would take up to three weeks to fully implement, because some of those mobilised may already be on other deployments and others could be reservists.’

And so, by the time the army arrives, it may be too late – and it certainly is not something that is intended to happen in the next few days.

This manoeuvre is known, it seems as activating ‘Operation Escalin’.

*

‘Dispatch War Rocket Ajax.’

Flash Gordon screenplay, 1980

*

Just as constitutional law should be dull and it is not a good sign when constitutional law is exciting, the same can be said for the law of civil contingencies.

It is not normal for laws to be suspended and for the army to be used for civil matters – and it should never become normal.

But.

The various problems facing the United Kingdom mean that what are civil contingencies are becoming civil necessities.

Brace brace.

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The last surviving transatlantic slaves and what their lives tell us about the law

11th August 2021

As part of my research into slavery and the law, I want to ascertain the chronological parameters of the transatlantic slave trade.

At one end, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, there is the emergence of the trade in the days when the legal system(s) were very different to now – with rights of action and forms of property with which many modern lawyers would not now be familiar.

But what of at the end?

Of course, we all know that the trade had (supposedly) ended by the early to mid nineteenth century.

But in fact the last victims of the trade were alive until modern times.

The last (known) living victim did not die until 1940 – within the lifetime of four currently serving United Senators

And if one looks at the lives of the last three of those who are known to have survived, you get some interesting insights into the role of (relatively) recent law in respect of transatlantic slavery.

The survivors names were Oluale Kossola (also known as Cudjo Lewis), Redohsi, and Matilda McCrear – see here, here and here.

The ‘legal’ insights one gets are:

– how transactions were still being made in Africa, and how the supply of slaves was still organised so as to meet demand;

– how the traders deftly evaded justice – by procedural delays, as well as destroying evidence and hiding the human evidence – and also by jury verdicts;

– how survivors did not have the automatic benefit of American citizenship after emancipation because they were born abroad; and

– how one of the survivors even sought compensation (presumably in the 1920s or 1930s) but the claim was dismissed.

These examples touch on modern legal issues – the existence of illegal markets, criminal prohibition and its avoidance (both in substance and by gaming procedure and evidence), rights of citizenship, and rights to compensation.

The story of the transatlantic slave trade lasted some five hundred years.

The story goes from the legal days of actions in trover and assumpsit to the laws that exist today.

It was far more extensive both in scope and duration than many would realise.

In a way, the story of the slave trade is the story of modern commercial law.

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