The Choice

27th January 2022

There is a choice that has to be made by every supporter of the current governing party of the United Kingdom.

In essence the choice is: what price partisanship?

By ‘price’ is meant: what will need to be exchanged for maintaining support for the current Prime Minister?

The price currently on offer is the integrity of the constitution.

For the continuation in office of the current Prime Minister means that the torrent of lies and evasions will continue – and these lies and evasions will corrode our fundamental political arrangements until there is nothing worthwhile left.

In more concrete terms: the Prime Minister will continue to refuse to account for any wrong doing; he will continue to freely lie at the despatch box; he will continue to assume that the rules that apply to the rest of us do not apply to him and his circle; and he will continue to believe he can get away with all of this.

Like the Republicans under Trump in the United States, British Conservatives now need to decide whether to enter into a compact with those who will casually bedevil the constitution.

Is the perceived political popularity of supporting this Prime Minister worth the price that this diabolical agent will extract from our constitutional arrangements?

This is the ultimate political choice of our times.

And the worrying thing is that so many government supporters do not – or will not – face up to the fundamental choice now before them.

Brace, brace.

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Rees-Mogg’s claim about us becoming a presidential system

26th January 2022

While we wait for the Sue Gray report, here is something said by the Leader of the House of Commons Jacob Rees-Mogg:

Rees-Mogg, of course, is the government minister who gave the Queen the unlawful advice on prorogation.

You would think that him now promoting a presidential system would be a further discourtesy to the Queen in her platinum jubilee year.

But even on the substance of the contention, it is historically and constitutionally illiterate.

In the last fifty years only Heath (1974), Callaghan (1979), Major (1997) and Brown (2010) have ceased to be Prime Minister by reason of a general election.

In contrast: Wilson (1976), Thatcher (1990), Blair (2007), Cameron (2016) and May (2019) were all replaced as Prime Minister without any general election.

This is because we have a parliamentary system and, given our uncodified constitution, there are many ways by which a Prime Minister can be replaced without a general election.

Going further back, one can also look at the stark examples of Asquith (1916), Chamberlain (1940) and Eden (1957) – who all were replaced after their respective military misadventures without any immediate general elections.

Rees-Mogg is correct that, in terms of political-media culture, Boris Johnson projects a presidential style.

But this should not be confused with the constitutional position.

There is nothing to prevent there being a new Prime Minister without a general election.

And, indeed, until and unless the Fixed-term Parliaments Act is repealed, any more immediate general election would in any case require a majority in the House of Commons to support it.

The most concerning thing about this, of course, is the authoritarian implications of Rees-Mogg’s contention – for it undermines parliamentary democracy.

And this authoritarianism, and subversion of parliamentary democracy, is part of a worrying trend.

Brace, brace.

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Two things about the launch of the Met’s Downing Street investigation

25th January 2022

Well.

Downing Street is now bing investigated by the Metropolitan Police.

And we are told that the Sue Gray report will not be ‘paused’ – and that it may even be delivered to the Prime Minister this evening, with it being published tomorrow.

What can be usefully said about this?

Perhaps two things.

First, look (again) at the Terms of Reference – that is the best corrective to getting carried away with what the report may or may not include.

In particular note that it is structured as a fact-finding exercise.

Indeed, had Gray been tasked with apportioning culpability then there may have been reason for the report to be delayed pending the police investigation.

What Downing Street gained by making it a fact-finding exercise they lost by not having a plausible excuse for it to be delayed at this stage.

And second, note that the Terms of Reference say:

“As with all internal investigations, if during the course of the work any evidence emerges of behaviour that is potentially a criminal offence, the matter will be referred to the police and the Cabinet Office’s work may be paused. Matters relating to adherence to the law are properly for the police to investigate and the Cabinet Office will liaise with them as appropriate.”

This probably means that a government lawyer has had to advise on whether the threshold has been met for evidence to be referred to the police.

And – if so – this means that on that advice, Sue Gray has been satisfied that evidence does need to be referred.

In essence: for this evidence to be referred a government lawyer and a senior official have already had to be satisfied of its seriousness.

And, in commencing an investigation, the police concur.

This does not mean that anyone is necessarily guilty.

Suspicion does not mean guilt.

But.

The evidence uncovered is so serious that a certain threshold has been met.

Brace brace.

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Why Nusrat Ghani is right to want to see the Terms of Reference for the new inquiry

24th January 2022

Another week, another inquiry.

This new one was announced this morning:

Yesterday there was not going to be an inquiry – and the Lord High Chancellor (who is also Deputy Prime Minister) was sent out to say so on television:

Nusrat Ghani MP – the complainant – had yesterday made a sensible, crucial point in response to the contention that she should have complained to the Conservative party.

It was a government business matter – not a party political matter:

Perhaps Boris Johnson does not comprehend this distinction between party and state.

Anyway, that position could not hold, and so an inquiry was announced.

And this led to another sensible, crucial point from Ghani:

“I look forward to seeing the terms of reference.”

Regular readers of this blog (and my tweets) will know that the shape of the terms of reference (as well as control over evidence flows) will tend to shape the results of any investigation or inquiry.

As techies say: GIGO.

Only the naïve think that just because there is an investigation or inquiry then – as if by magic – the resulting report will be suitably scathing.

What are called ‘whitewashes’ do not have to be by reason of deliberate cynical decisions by those investigating or inquiring – but instead can come from the terms of reference or the evidence made available.

Wise ministers facing investigations and inquiries know this – and government lawyers certainly do.

And so, it is refreshing to see, do wise complainants.

 

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Accountability needs transparency, and both need to be enforceable by legal remedies

23rd January 2022

This law and policy blog has many great comments – often better than my posts – and there was a comment on yesterday’s post that had a particularly striking passage.

‘Alan’ said:

‘Accountability is impossible without transparency. It’s also impossible without the power to create remedies.’

This is spot-on – and it is worth unpacking.

Accountability is, of course, a Good Thing.

It is also a vague thing – though regular readers of this blog (and my tweets) will know that I usually take it to mean that a person can be required to give an account of themselves.

(Accountability/account -geddit?)

And a common complaint on this blog (and my tweets) is that those with political power are deft in avoiding giving accounts of what they do, either through rhetorical devices or by frustrating or circumventing checks and balances.

But.

The easiest way for a person with political power to evade accountability is simple.

It is by you not knowing what they are doing or not doing.

And so, in this way, the best way means of having accountability is by having transparency.

For it is only then that you will know what questions to ask and evidence to demand in respect of what politicians and officials do or not do.

But.

(A second but.)

Transparency is of limited import unless it can be enforced against the will of those with political power.

And here we have the further problem – especially in the United Kingdom – of traditions and structures that make it almost impossible for anyone outside public bodies to find out what is going on – unless those with public power allow it.

Here one can point to, for example, official secrets legislation that is as tough as freedom of information legislation is weak.

We have well-resourced taxpayer-funded government press offices that will not tell the media anything unless it suits the government of the day.

We have weekly lies and non-answers in parliamentary debates.

And so on, and so on.

There is almost nothing which anyone outside government can do to force this transparency.

There are no – or almost no – remedies.

Here ‘remedies’ are, in general, what a court can order to make a person to do something they do not want to do, so as to put right a situation.

But it is rare to get a court to make any order to compel a public body so as to disclose a thing it does not want to disclose.

And so, as ‘Alan’ avers, without remedies there will not be accountability and transparency.

Accountability – and even transparency – does not mean a thing unless you can compel those with political power to give their accounts against their will by going to court.

The question is: how can we have stronger remedies against public bodies so as to force through accountability and transparency?

Any ideas?

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Why the Downing Street parties matter from a law and policy perspective

22nd January 2022

If one day some unlikely but bored person was browsing the internet and looking through old posts on this blog, they would wonder why so many recently have been about parties over a year ago in Downing Street.

Russia is being aggressive in Ukraine, key voted and court cases are being lost in the United States, and this government is pushing through illiberal legislation on protests and refugees.

Surely, that person would ask, there were more important things in January 2022 for a law and policy blogger to write about?

Well.

They may have a point – and perhaps it will look odd.

But.

Law and policy bloggers and other commentators have to  deal with situations as they find them.

And the Downing Street parties, which on one level are the most trivial of things, are significant in practical law and policy terms – and not just because of the public interest in the subject.

The Downing Street parties and the Sue Gray investigation raise crucial questions about accountability in action: the Prime Minister and other ministers are using a civil servant (who is not even the most senior official in her own department) as the means of avoiding and deflecting accountability to the House of Commons.

By itself, this makes the affair of key constitutional significance.

The result of this report may lead to a Prime Minister losing office – a possibility that by reason of our uncodified constitution and its lack of formal mechanisms for removing sitting Prime Ministers from office is always one of the most fascinating moments that law and policy can provide.

The news story also indicates – perhaps demonstrates – the contradiction in the attitude to rules between the partying elite in Downing Street and the obligations which were accepted (and imposed) upon the rest of us.

And the Downing Street parties issue also shows us about the extent to which our body politic can deal with the political food poisoning  caused Boris Johnson’s ceaseless dishonesty – can it be vomited out?

Or will linger in the system, causing increasing pain and consternation?

(I had severe food poisoning over Christmas, and so this analogy comes readily to mind!)

Of course: the incidental subject matter is of little importance.

But sometimes little things can be a useful way into big things.

And there are few bigger things in law and policy – and in our constitutional affairs – than about how a Prime Minister can be removed, about how accountability of the government to parliament can be enforced and avoided, about the legitimacy of rule-making and the tolerance of law-breaking,  and whether the system is robust enough to survive the subversive hyper-partisan dishonest politics of Johnson.

So this is why this blog is following this situation so closely.

Who knows what will come of it?

What do you think will happen?

Comment below.

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The political addiction of hiding behind ‘inquiries’

20th January 2022

One day, perhaps soon, perhaps next week, Sue Gray will report on her investigation.

And then, over time, the Sue Gray investigation will fade from memories until only political obsessives will remember what it was ever about.

But.

These inquiries and inquiries are, in general, a Bad Thing.

This blog recently averred that such after-the-event inquiries and investigations are generally (but not always) not a welcome thing – as they usually signify a failure of the institutions of the State to properly scrutinise and hold accountable the executive at-the-time.

This, however, is not the only problem.

These investigations and inquiries are now becoming the go-to political and rhetorical device for evading any accountability.

That the Prime Minister and other ministers have spent the last few weeks evading accountability to Parliament and the media by reference to what is only an internal cvil service investigation is already a stock political joke.

One wonders what will happen when the Prime Minister and other ministers cannot, as a political and rhetorical reflex, any longer just incant the Sue Gray evasion spell.

Indeed one half-expects Boris Johnson to next week announce a further inquiry by Sue Gray to explain the meaning of the first investigation, so useful is this as a means of evasion.

https://twitter.com/inert_wall/status/1484212747491590149

One has to allude to Douglas Adams’s Hitchhikers’ Guide to the Galaxy to convey the full absurdity of the situation.

On the face of it, it seems terribly reasonable to say one has to await the results of an investigation.

If it said earnestly enough, the response will be understanding nods.

But each time it is used as an excuse not to give a substantive answer to a probing question, accountability is undermined.

And if politicians could get away with using it as an excuse for avoiding any accountability they would do so.

At some point there has to be a stop to this.

Court hearings – fine, yes, they should not be gainsaid by parliament.

But anything less – even statutory public inquiries – should never be an excuse for politicians not being accountable.

And there should be a prohibition on any civil servants – whether the cabinet secretary or otherwise – being charged with such investigations when they deflect political accountability.

That is not what the civil service is for.

Ministers love having some way of escaping actual accountability – they will tend to flock to whatever means are available.

But, unless this tendency is checked, our ministers will become even less open to scrutiny.

This dreadful and illiberal and undemocratic habit has to end.

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What the apology to the Queen shows about the theory and practice of the Crown and the Constitution

16th January 2022

The Prime Minister Boris Johnson last week apologised to the Queen for the Downing Street partying on the eve of funeral of the Prince Philip.

This partying was, of course, in contrast to the Queen having to mourn alone

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Last week the Queen was not told that she had to wait for the result of the Sue Gray investigation.

Oh no – the Prime Minister did not think that even he could get away with that deflection to that audience.

Although it less clear what the Prime Minister is actually apologising for.

The apology of the Prime Minister to the Queen has great significance.

Not least as it shows the actual sentiments of a government that promotes performative patriotism with numerous flags behind ministers and wants the national anthem played on the television each day.

But then again, this was the government who provided unlawful advice to the Queen on prorogation – and it seems that, like lockdown regulations, genuine regard for the Queen is for other people.

It also indicates the high public esteem with which the Queen is held and that the government knows that it will not get away without any admission of fault.

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It reminded me of the early history of the telephone hacking scandal.

This was when there was a general cosy complicity between some of the media and the Metropolitan Police.

Then it appeared that telephones in the Royal Household were being hacked – and something had to be done.

And because this involved a different part of Scotland Yard to that which had the close contacts with the press, a prosecution was brought and two convictions were obtained.

This showed that – regardless of constitutional theory – the Crown had a special place within our constitutional arrangements.

There was a limit to what others with political and media power can get away with when the Crown is involved.

The Crown matters.

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In constitutional theory, the Crown has a complex and pervasive quality.

It has many modes.

It is an organising principle of a great deal of our constitution: the royal prerogative, acts of parliament (ie bills with royal assent), the high court, and much else, all derive their existence and legitimacy from the Crown.

But it is also the position of the monarch, who has special rights and privileges in respect of the executive, parliament and the courts.

And it is about Elizabeth herself, whose first Prime Minister was Winston Churchill and now is coming up to her platinum jubilee.

The extent of the power and the influence of the Crown varies with which mode is at play.

But, regardless of theory, there is every so often in practical political affairs a new situation where the involvement of the Crown makes a difference.

And last week we happened to see another one.

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A critical, general overview of the Sue Gray investigation

15th January 2022

This post brings together my posts and tweets relating to the Sue Gray investigation in to the Downing Street parties during lockdown, as well as some new thoughts, into a single general overview.

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There are a couple of preliminary points worth making.

First, investigations like this – and other such forms of ad hoc inquiry – can be signs of an unhealthy polity.

(I argued this in the Financial Times back in 2014 and on this blog last year.)

This is because many inquiries, and most demands for inquiries, are also implicit admissions of State failure.

The admission of failure is that the other permanent elements of the State – primarily the executive, the police, the permanent regulators, the ombudsman system, the legislature, and the judiciary – have all failed in their roles.

If these elements of the State had done their job properly at the time – or been allowed to do their job properly at the time – then there would be less need for ad hoc inquiries after the event.

Every demand that there ‘should be an inquiry’ is also an implicit acceptance that the elements of State with the legitimacy and the purpose to supervise and scrutinise have been deficient.

And as this blog has also averred, often those put at the head of such investigations and inquiries are not sufficiently experienced or well-suited to obtain evidence which those facing scrutiny are unwilling to provide.

(In particular, judges and barristers spend most of their careers looking at documentary evidence which has been helpfully ascertained and compiled by others, rather than ever digging out the raw evidence for themselves.)

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The second preliminary point is that ad hoc inquiries usually suit politicians and others with public power – especially if those inquiries do not have powers to compel evidence which would otherwise not need to be given.

Here it helps to think of the techie phrase Garbage In, Garbage Out (GIGO).

Most inquiries and investigations are only as good as the evidence – documents and testimony and so on – available to them.

If you control the flow of evidence in to the process, you often have significant influence of the ‘findings’ and ‘conclusions’ that come out of the other end.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

The eye-opener for me on this was when I was a central government lawyer about fifteen-or-so years ago.

I met other central government lawyers who explained how on inquiry work they would work backwards from what they wanted to achieve to the terms of reference of the inquiry so as to ensure they put in the evidence that would tend to the desired outcome.

And the government and others with public power (for example the police) have access to many good specialised lawyers who know how to game the inquiry system like this.

This is not necessarily wrong – it is the job of a lawyer to understand the rules of procedure and of evidence in respect of any process on which they advise.

But it is certainly contrary to the naive view that an inquiry will somehow magically find all the information that will enable it to come to some desired scathing conclusion.

And when the inquiry does not reach a scathing conclusion, the reaction is often that those doing the inquiry have deliberately sought to do a ‘white wash’.

Whilst in reality, the apparent ‘white wash’ is because of what happens with the supply of evidence in the first place.

If you control input the evidence, you will tend to control the output.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

And that is why any worthwhile inquiry or investigation always needs to be independent of those facing scrutiny and why there needs to be powers to obtain information that those facing scrutiny will not want to provide.

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Now we come to the Sue Gray investigation, the terms of reference of which are published here (I am assuming they have not been amended) – and these terms of reference should be read by everyone following this investigation.

You will see that the investigation was to be conducted by the Cabinet Secretary.

It is not unusual for the Cabinet Secretary (who is the head of the domestic civil service and reports directly to the Prime Minister) to be asked by a Prime Minister to conduct investigations into central government matters.

Within the domestic civil service the Cabinet Secretary has unique authority, although – ultimately – he or she will not be independent of the Prime Minister.

But the Cabinet Secretary is not now conducting this investigation.

This is because the Cabinet Secretary attended a gathering which is part of the investigation.

And so an investigation which sort-of-makes-sense when conducted by the head of the domestic civil service who reports directly to the Prime Minister has been passed to another civil servant who does not (at least not as part of their day job).

Sue Gray has a reputation for being independently minded.

(And note: you should be careful of hoping that this reputation means she will be necessarily critical of ministers – for a genuinely independently minded person will also be independent from the loud clamour of ministerial critics.)

But that a civil servant has a personal reputation for being independently minded does not and cannot make them structurally independent.

She is a senior civil servant – but she is not the most senior, not even within her own department of the Cabinet Office.

And so we have a problem – a type of investigation that was envisaged for the very head of the civil service now being done by a more junior colleague.

And she is investigating her own colleagues some of whom may be at the same level as her and some – like Simon Case – more senior.

The investigation is also into special advisers and others who will be close associates of her ministerial bosses.

There has long been a problem with the non-transparent and closed nature of Cabinet Secretary investigations  – but at least they sort-of-made-sense, but this arrangement must be even more unsatisfactory.

But, as this blog recently contended, the politically charged nature now accorded to this investigation would make inappropriate for any particular civil servant, let alone one who is not the Cabinet Secretary.

It is an investigation that ministers are hiding behind to avoid ministerial accountability to the House of Commons, and her report may topple (or ‘clear’) a sitting Prime Minister.

For all her merits, Sue Gray is not – and should not – be a crucial element of the constitution.

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Now we come to the structural problems of the investigation.

And here, even before we come to this investigation’s Terms of Reference, there are a number of issues:-

Gray cannot make a determination as to whether there is criminal liability, as she is not a court.

Gray cannot make an independent assessment of the application of non-legal guidance to her colleagues as she is not independent – and some of those being investigated are more senior in the civil service than she is.

Gray cannot compel testimony and documents – or even full disclosure – from any of those involved.

And Gray cannot determine whether the prime minister or another minister is in breach of the ministerial code, as she is not the prime minister.

None of these are her fault, and none of these are criticisms of any decisions she has made or not made.

These structural issues instead arise simply from the nature of the investigation she has been charged with.

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And now we come to the Terms of Reference.

If you read these carefully then you will see that there is even less scope for there to be any severe criticism published.

Any finding of apparent misconduct by any particular, named civil servant should not feature – for that will be a Human Resources issue (and that is only right, as there needs to be due process).

Here the reference to “the investigations will establish whether individual disciplinary action is warranted” has to be read with “any specific HR action against individuals will remain confidential”  – and so there may be nothing published of particularised substance on any actual breaches, as they will be part of subsequent internal proceedings.

There is mention of making “reference to adherence to the guidance in place at the time” – but this may not mean a great deal.

The word “reference” here can mean little more than the guidance will be read and perhaps mentioned.

There is no express requirement under the Terms of Reference for Gray to apply the guidance to the facts so as to ascertain whether there has been any breaches.

Gray may do so – and if she is independently minded, she may indeed do so – but there is no requirement for her to do so.

All she is required to do so is to “establish swiftly a general understanding of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose”.

Note the “general”.

She can also refer this matter to the police  – but the threshold for what would trigger such a referral is vague.

And without being able to compel evidence, there may not be information provided to her for her to consider making any such referral.

(It is a remarkable feature of all this is how the Metropolitan Police – who can compel evidence – have fettered their own discretion and contracted out this investigation of a civil servant investigating other civil servants – who cannot compel evidence.)

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There are already problems in practice.

Parts of the investigation seem to have been leaked to the press.

And if it is leaking to the press, then presumably it would also be leaking within the civil service.

These apparent leaks are probably not from Gray and her team but from those affected who are being presented with provisional views or updates for their responses (this would be being done for fairness – even though this is not a judicial or even quasi-judicial process – for there is a general rule that those facing criticism in a report should be able to make representations).

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There are also indications that Gray has not been given full information – which is not surprising given the lack of power to compel evidence and the potentially serious consequences for facing scrutiny.

And it may be that the report keeps on delayed while new parties are uncovered.

https://twitter.com/davidallengreen/status/1481776450244165639

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Recent political history – in both the United Kingdom and the United States – has seen many people looking forward to reports that then turn out (at least at first glance) not to have been as critical as many have hoped, from the Hutton report to the Mueller report.

But what is not surprising is that so many of these reports fail to be robustly critical – what is surprising is that any of these reports ever are robustly critical.

And this is not (always) because of the personal failures of those running the inquiries – but because of the structural problems of the inquiries and the ability of those (especially with competent legal advice) to regulate the flow of information.

Garbage In, Garbage Out.

Perhaps the independently minded Sue Gray will be an exception to this general view.

Perhaps notwithstanding the limits of the Terms of Reference and her inability to compel evidence, the report will match the elevated political expectations now placed on it.

Perhaps it will provide an ironic justification for the politicians who have hidden behind the investigation so as to evade accountability to Parliament – because it will genuinely be a report so substantial and far-reaching that it actually should not have been prejudged.

Perhaps.

Or it may be a report that will allow politicians to brief friendly media that they have been ‘cleared’ – without many realising the inherent limits on the investigation to find anyone in breach of anything.

(It is almost as if this investigation was structured in such a way so as to give scope to ministers to leak to the press that they have been ‘cleared’.)

Most likely is that the investigation will, well, simply comply with the Terms of Reference that have been public all along and so will provide merely “a general understanding”.

This will be a recital of facts “of the nature of the gatherings, including attendance, the setting and the purpose” – with “reference” (but maybe not more) to the relevant guidance.

But with no findings of breaches of the law, no names named, no individual culpability found.

This is an investigation that is almost

Just the (general) facts.

If so, the strange thing would be that anyone expected otherwise.

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