Skip to content

The Law and Policy Blog

Independent commentary on law and policy from a liberal constitutionalist and critical perspective

Donate

You can support this independent law and policy commentary by PayPal

Subscribe

Please enter your email address to receive notifications of new stuff by me here and elsewhere.

Pages

  • About
  • Comments Policy

Categories

Recent Posts

  • A close reading of the “AI” fake cases judgment 9th May 2025
  • How the Trump administration’s “shock and awe” approach has resulted in its litigation being shockingly awful 22nd April 2025
  • How the United States constitutional crisis is intensifying 17th April 2025
  • A note about injunctions in the context of the Abrego Garcia case 14th April 2025
  • How Trump is misusing emergency powers in his tariffs policy 10th April 2025
  • How Trump’s tariffs can be a Force Majeure event for some contracts 7th April 2025
  • The significance of the Wisconsin court election result 2nd April 2025
  • “But what if…?” – constitutional commentary in an age of anxiety 31st March 2025
  • A significant defeat for the Trump government in the federal court of appeal 27th March 2025
  • Reckoning the legal and practical significance of the United States deportations case 25th March 2025
  • Making sense of the Trump-Roberts exchange about impeachment 19th March 2025
  • Understanding what went on in court yesterday in the US deportations case 18th March 2025
  • “Oopsie” – the word that means the United States has now tipped into a constitutional crisis 17th March 2025
  • Oh Canada 16th March 2025
  • Thinking about a revolution 5th March 2025
  • The fog of lawlessness: what we can see – and what we cannot see – in the current confusions in the United States 25th February 2025
  • The president who believes himself a king 23rd February 2025
  • Making sense of what is happening in the United States 18th February 2025
  • The paradox of the Billionaires saying that Court Orders have no value, for without Court Orders there could not be Billionaires 11th February 2025
  • Why Donald Trump is not really “transactional” but anti-transactional 4th February 2025
  • From constitutional drama to constitutional crisis? 1st February 2025
  • Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end 25th January 2025
  • Looking critically at Trump’s flurry of Executive Orders: why we should watch what is done, and not to be distracted by what is said 21st January 2025
  • A third and final post about the ‘Lettuce before Action’ of Elizabeth Truss 18th January 2025
  • Why the Truss “lettuce before action” is worse than you thought – and it has a worrying implication for free speech 17th January 2025
  • Of Indictments and Impeachments, and of Donald Trump – two similar words for two distinct things 16th January 2025
  • Why did the DoJ prosecution of Trump run out of time? 14th January 2025
  • Spiteful governments and simple contract law, a weak threatening letter, and a warning of a regulatory battle ahead 13th January 2025
  • A close look at Truss’s legal threat to Starmer – a glorious but seemingly hopeless cease-and-desist letter 9th January 2025
  • How the lore of New Year defeated the law of New Year – how the English state gave up on insisting the new year started on 25 March 1st January 2025
  • Some of President Carter’s judges can still judge, 44 years later – and so we can see how long Trump’s new nominees will be on the bench 31st December 2024
  • “Twelfth Night Till Candlemas” – the story of a forty-year book-quest and of its remarkable ending 20th December 2024
  • An argument about Assisting Dying – matters of life and death need to be properly regulated by law, and not by official discretion 28th November 2024
  • The illiberalism yet to come: two things not to do, and one thing to do – suggestions on how to avoid mental and emotional exhaustion 18th November 2024
  • New stories for old – making sense of a political-constitutional rupture 14th November 2024
  • The shapes of things to come – some thoughts and speculations on the possibilities of what can happen next 8th November 2024
  • A postcard from the day after an election: capturing a further political-constitutional moment 6th November 2024
  • A postcard from the day of an election – capturing a political-constitutional moment 5th November 2024
  • “…as a matter of law, the house is haunted” – a quick Hallowe’en post about law and lore 31st October 2024
  • Prisons and prisons-of-the-mind – how the biggest barrier to prisons reform is public opinion 28th October 2024
  • A blow against the “alternative remedies” excuse: the UK Supreme Court makes it far harder for regulators to avoid performing their public law duties 22nd October 2024
  • What explains the timing and manner of the Chagos Islands sovereignty deal? 20th October 2024
  • Happy birthday, Supreme Court: the fifteenth anniversary of the United Kingdom’s highest court 1st October 2024
  • Words on the screen – the rise and (relative) fall of text-based social media: why journalists and lawyers on social media may not feel so special again 30th September 2024
  • Political accountability vs policy accountability: how our system of politics and government is geared to avoid or evade accountability for policy 24th September 2024
  • On writing – and not writing – about miscarriages of justice 23rd September 2024
  • Miscarriages of Justice: the Oliver Campbell case 21st September 2024
  • How Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Harris and Walz is a masterpiece of persuasive prose: a songwriter’s practical lesson in written advocacy 11th September 2024
  • Supporting Donald Trump is too much for Richard Cheney 7th September 2024
  • A miscarriage of justice is normally a systems failure, and not because of any conspiracy – the cock-up theory usually explains when things go wrong 30th August 2024
  • Update – what is coming up. 29th August 2024
  • Shamima Begum – and ‘de jure’ vs ‘de facto’ statelessness 21st August 2024
  • Lucy Letby and miscarriages of justice: some words of caution on why we should always be alert to the possibilities of miscarriages of justice 19th August 2024
  • This week’s skirmish between the European Commission and X 17th August 2024
  • What Elon Musk perhaps gets wrong about civil wars being ‘inevitable’ – It is in the nature of civil wars that they are not often predictable 7th August 2024
  • How the criminal justice system deals with a riot 5th August 2024
  • The Lucy Letby case: some thoughts and observations: what should happen when a defence does not put in their own expert evidence (for good reason or bad)? 26th July 2024
  • And out the other side? The possible return of serious people doing serious things in law and policy 10th July 2024
  • What if a parliamentary candidate did not exist? The latest odd constitutional law question which nobody has really thought of asking before 9th July 2024
  • The task before James Timpson: the significance of this welcome appointment – and two of the obstacles that he needs to overcome 8th July 2024
  • How the Met police may be erring in its political insider betting investigation – and why we should be wary of extending “misconduct of public office” to parliamentary matters, even in nod-along cases 28th June 2024
  • What you need to know about commercial regulation, in the sports sector and elsewhere – for there is compliance and there is “compliance” 25th June 2024
  • Seven changes for a better constitution? Some interesting proposals from some good people. 24th June 2024
  • The wrong gong 22nd June 2024
  • The public service of an “Enemy of the People” 22nd June 2024
  • Of majorities and “super-majorities” 21st June 2024
  • The strange omission in the Conservative manifesto: why is there no commitment to repeal the Human Rights Act? 12th June 2024
  • The predicted governing party implosion in historical and constitutional context 11th June 2024
  • Donald Trump is convicted – but it is now the judicial system that may need a good defence strategy 1st June 2024
  • The unwelcome weaponisation of police complaints as part of ordinary politics 31st May 2024
  • Thoughts on the calling of a general election – and on whether our constitutional excitements are coming to an end 29th May 2024
  • Another inquiry report, another massive public policy failure revealed 21st May 2024
  • On how regulating the media is hard – if not impossible – and on why reviving the Leveson Inquiry may not be the best basis for seeing what regulations are now needed 4th May 2024
  • Trump’s case – a view from an English legal perspective 24th April 2024
  • Law and lore, and state failure – the quiet collapse of the county court system in England and Wales 22nd April 2024
  • How the civil justice system forced Hugh Grant to settle – and why an alternative to that system is difficult to conceive 17th April 2024
  • Unpacking the remarkable witness statement of Johnny Mercer – a closer look at the extraordinary evidence put before the Afghan war crimes tribunal 25th March 2024
  • The curious incident of the Afghanistan war crimes statutory inquiry being set up 21st March 2024
  • A close look at the Donelan libel settlement: how did a minister make her department feel exposed to expensive legal liability? 8th March 2024
  • A close look at the law and policy of holding a Northern Ireland border poll – and how the law may shape what will be an essentially political decision 10th February 2024
  • How the government is seeking to change the law on Rwanda so as to disregard the facts 30th January 2024
  • How the next general election in the United Kingdom is now less than a year away 29th January 2024
  • Could the Post Office sue its own former directors and advisers regarding the Horizon scandal? 16th January 2024
  • How the legal system made it so easy for the Post Office to destroy the lives of the sub-postmasters and sub-postmistresses – and how the legal system then made it so hard for them to obtain justice 12th January 2024
  • The coming year: how the parameters of the constitution will shape the politics of 2024 1st January 2024
  • The coming constitutional excitements in the United States 31st December 2023
  • What is often left unsaid in complaints about pesky human rights law and pesky human rights lawyers 15th December 2023
  • A role-reversal? – a footnote to yesterday’s post 1st December 2023
  • The three elements of the Rwanda judgment that show how the United Kingdom government is now boxed in 30th November 2023
  • On yesterday’s Supreme Court judgment on the Rwanda policy 16th November 2023
  • The courts have already deflated the Rwanda policy, regardless of the Supreme Court judgment next Wednesday 10th November 2023
  • The extraordinary newspaper column of the Home Secretary – and its implications 9th November 2023
  • Drafts of history – how the Covid Inquiry, like the Leveson Inquiry, is securing evidence for historians that would otherwise be lost 1st November 2023
  • Proportionality is an incomplete legal concept 25th October 2023
  • Commissioner Breton writes a letter: a post in praise of the one-page formal document 11th October 2023
  • “Computer says guilty” – an introduction to the evidential presumption that computers are operating correctly 30th September 2023
  • COMING UP 23rd September 2023
  • Whatever happened to ‘the best-governed city in the world’? – some footnotes to the article at Prospect on the Birmingham city insolvency 9th September 2023
  • One year on from one thing, sixteen months on from another thing… 8th September 2023
  • What is a section 114 Notice? 7th September 2023
  • Constitutionalism vs constitutionalism – how liberal constitutionalists sometimes misunderstand illiberal constitutionalism 24th August 2023
  • Performative justice and coercion: thinking about coercing convicted defendants to hear their sentences 21st August 2023
  • Of impeachments and indictments – how many of the criminal indictments against Trump are a function of the failure of the impeachment process 15th August 2023
  • A note of caution for those clapping and cheering at the latest indictment of Donald Trump 8th August 2023
  • Witch-hunt (noun) 2nd August 2023

Archives

Masterdon link

Mastodon

Category: Liberalism and Illiberalism

The significance of the Wisconsin court election result

2nd April 2025

*

Another setback for the illiberals in a skirmish

*

Overnight came the news that one candidate for the supreme court of Wisconsin won in an election instead of another.

In normal times, few would know about such things outside of Wisconsin, and even fewer would care. Other than thinking something about judges being elected, and perhaps why they really should not be, it would hardly register a thought for someone seeing it in the news, if the result was reported at all.

*

But.

We are not in normal times. And so the strangest things become important and significant – even special court elections in away states of which few in England will know anything.

The two candidates were nominally non-partisan, with no party affiliation.

But in reality, one was a liberal, and the other one certainly was not.

And this mattered, as the Wisconsin supreme court is finely balanced. A liberal supreme court judge has retired, thereby requiring a special election, and if the illiberal candidate won the court would swing against the liberals.

It was thereby an election which mattered – at least for the direction of the Wisconsin supreme court as they come to decide various contentious matters – including in respect of election districts but also many other issues.

And it was also an election that mattered more widely – and it certainly mattered to Elon Musk and other supporters of President Trump. Indeed, it mattered to them a lot.

Musk announced that this election would determine “the future of America and Western Civilisation.”

Indeed, Musk averred, the election was about “the entire destiny of humanity”.

*

In normal times, this would be an odd thing to say about any election, not least a special election for the Supreme Court of Wisconsin.

And Musk certainly threw himself into campaigning.

He offered large amounts of money.

Usually such election interference stays hidden, but the openness of these attempts recall William Hogarth’s vivid caricatures of eighteenth-century elections in England.

Hogarth would certainly have relished depicting what is currently unfolding in America.

*

And yet, overnight, the candidate favoured by Musk and Trump lost – and lost markedly.

In her winning speech, the successful candidate said that justice did not have a price and that the courts were not for sale.

In normal times, of course, this would not need to be said by anyone, let alone in a victory speech of a newly elected judge.

*

Some will not get beyond the notion of having elections for judges. Most sensible people will see this as a least problematic, but this maybe is a discussion for another time.

Suffice to say: if there are going to elections for judges, it is better that the liberals win than illiberals, if that is the significant point of difference.

*

But more widely, this is a welcome sign.

It does not indicate that the tide is turning – and that is for the simple reason that the tide has not turned.

But it does indicate that the tide has not (yet) risen as high as the illiberals would like to do.

Liberals and progressives should welcome such victories as and when they happen (though many will still grumble and nit-pick), for such victories are currently rare.

If the tide is ever to turn, then this result may become – in hindsight – an early pointer.

And in the meantime, on to the next skirmish, and then the next battle, and so on, and so on, as there is no alternative. For that is the only way the illiberals will eventually lose.

 

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Share

Discussion about this post

 

A close look at Truss’s legal threat to Starmer
The former Prime Minister has sent a glorious but seemingly hopeless cease-and-desist letter
Jan 9
151
4
“Computer says guilty” – an introduction to the evidential presumption that computers are operating correctly
The first in a series of posts on the Post Office Horizon prosecutions scandal
Sep 30, 2023
38
15
How Taylor Swift’s endorsement of Harris and Walz is a masterpiece of persuasive prose
A songwriter’s practical lesson in written advocacy
Sep 11, 2024
108
13
Thinking about a revolution
Some things are changing rather fundamentally and the way we think should perhaps change too
Mar 5
132
1
How the legal system made it so easy for the Post Office to destroy the lives of the sub-postmasters and sub-postmistresses – and how the…
In addition to the culpability of individuals, there were stark failures of the legal system
Jan 12, 2024
91
28
Lucy Letby and miscarriages of justice: some words of caution
We should always be alert to the possibilities of miscarriages of justice
Aug 19, 2024
91
5
Looking critically at Trump’s flurry of Executive Orders
Why we should watch what is done, and not to be distracted by what is said
Jan 21
67
3
“Twelfth Night Till Candlemas”
The story of a forty-year book-quest and of its remarkable ending
Dec 20, 2024
105
18
Solving the puzzle of why the case of Prince Harry and Lord Watson against News Group Newspapers came to its sudden end
How the initial media explanations did not match the facts – and working out the explanation that did
Jan 25
80
“Oopsie” – the word that means the United States has now tipped into a constitutional crisis
The United States federal government disregards a court order and jokes about it on social media
Mar 17
82
1
© 2025 d. a. t. green
Privacy ∙ Terms ∙ Collection notice
Start WritingGet the app
Substack is the home for great culture
Posted on 2nd April 20252nd April 2025Categories Courts and Politics, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United States Law and PolicyLeave a comment on The significance of the Wisconsin court election result

Some of President Carter’s judges can still judge, 44 years later – and so we can see how long Trump’s new nominees will be on the bench

New year’s eve, 2024

The former US President Jimmy Carter, who has just died, left office in January 1981 – just under 44 years ago.

Yet one of his many bench nominees was still actively serving as a federal judge as recently as 2021:

And that list also indicates that about 29 of those judges – while not on active service – have the semi-retired “senior status” and so can still serve as judges if required.

This shows the significant lingering power of every US President on the shape of the judiciary.

A 100 year-old president former president has died who left office over 40 years ago, and yet his appointments can still decide cases.

Bringing this around to today: the newly re-elected Donald Trump and the Republican Senate will be appointing a raft of young conservative judges to the judicial benches, in addition to those which were appointed during his first term.

And some of these will still be judging (or able to judge) in 40 or 50 years – long after many of you reading this post may be here.

The lingering effect of the two Trumpite moments will last for political generations. Some appointed judges may see out ten or more presidential terms and still be judging.

And judicial time limits are now more unlikely than ever: Trump and the Republican senators have no interest whatsoever in limiting the enduring power of their nominees. And presumably as and when (or if) the Democrats ever regain power, they will have no interest in limiting the terms of their appointees.

This is a practical effect of how what some say (or hope) may only be short-term political surges can have consequences that will last decades.

(See also: Brexit.)

We are not dealing only with the politics of the here and now, but about the law and government of the hereafter.

Perhaps things will one day get better for liberals and progressives.

Perhaps.

But it is going to be a long haul.

*

Happy new year to the readers of this blog.

Thank you for your ongoing support.

There is going to be a lot to write about in the new year – and I am also going to explore the law and policy of AI, following my Candlemas story.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 31st December 202431st December 2024Categories Constitutional Law, Constitutionalism, Courts and Politics, Courts and the administration of justice, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United States Law and Policy5 Comments on Some of President Carter’s judges can still judge, 44 years later – and so we can see how long Trump’s new nominees will be on the bench

The illiberalism yet to come: two things not to do, and one thing to do – suggestions on how to avoid mental and emotional exhaustion

18th November 2024

The new Republican presidency-congress in the United States as well as developments in other countries mean that in addition to the illiberalism we have had so far, there is more – perhaps worse – to come.

So how should liberals respond?

Here are three suggestions, humbly put forward.

1. Do not respond, if you can, to catastrophism. You are going to think how bad things can be, and will project this on to the other side. You will then react to what your mind has conjured up. Even if those projections are plausible, this will exhaust you quickly. You will have little energy or focus left for what they do come up with.

2. Do not respond, if you can, to what the illiberals say they will do. They will goad you and frighten you, as they enjoy “owning the libs”. They like the sound it makes, the reactions they can get. Again, even if these threats are plausible, reacting to each bare threat will exhaust you quickly. You will again have little energy or focus left for what they do come up with.

3. Respond, if you can, to what they actually do – not what you fear they will do, or even what they say they will do. What they actually will do will be bad enough, and will need your energy and focus. The illiberals will hope – and expect – that all the noise and fears under (1) and (2) will mean that by the time they do put measures forward, they will have little opposition.

*

As Margo Channing in All About Eve said, we are are in for a bumpy ride.

We don’t need to make it even bumpier for ourselves.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 18th November 2024Categories Liberalism and Illiberalism, United States Law and Policy19 Comments on The illiberalism yet to come: two things not to do, and one thing to do – suggestions on how to avoid mental and emotional exhaustion

The shapes of things to come – some thoughts and speculations on the possibilities of what can happen next

8th November 2024

The working assumption of many in reaction to the re-election of Trump as President is that he will serve a full term.

And that is the most likely outcome, as that is what presidents tend to do once elected: they serve out their term.

*

But there are other possible outcomes.

Some outcomes are morbid, and they are possibilities for any president, especially for one advanced in years.

And there is the possibility he may step down mid-term – or be replaced mid-term.

If Trump stands down mid-term, the new President Vance could pardon him for all and any federal crimes (though not state crimes). This would meet one of Trump’s presumed objectives for having re-run for President.

And if the timing of the replacement is done just right then a President Vance has the prospect of up to (but not quite) ten years in office: here the Twenty-second amendment to the US constitution provides:

“Section 1. No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once. […]”

If the replacement is done on the day after the second anniversary of the start of the term, then there would seem nothing to prevent a President Vance from then running for election and then re-election as President.

[Edit – in other terms: (2 years minus one day) plus 4 years plus 4 years.]

It can also be noted that in a way Trump has done his job for his backers in getting re-elected and, accordingly, there is nothing more he can personally do for them which another friendly occupant of the Oval Office cannot also do. If their objective is dominance over the medium- to long-term then they will be already thinking about the approach to the 2028 election.

*

And if there are doubts (real or otherwise) about the cognitive alertness of President Trump there is also the Twenty-fifth Amendment, where a President can be effectively removed against their will, on declaration of the (well) Vice-President and others.

*

On the other hand, a President Trump serving a full term may suit his backers just fine.

Trump is not a President to personally drive legislation through Congress – he is not a Lyndon Johnson or a Franklin Roosevelt.

But with a Republican Senate he does not need to do so: they can drive through the legislation themselves, subject to the final composition of the House of Representatives.

What a lazy president enables is for those around him to dominate the judicial nominations and discretionary powers.

So we can expect a raft of conservative nominations for the judicial benches – and for Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito to stand down and be replaced by 40 or 50 year-old strong conservatives, nominated by Trump and approved by the Senate. That will secure the Supreme Court for the conservatives for at least another twenty years, if not more.

And we can expect a huge amount of Executive Orders and such like, which in turn will be upheld by conservative judges – for who needs congressional legislation when you can have the combination of executive rule-making and nod-along judges?

Those around Trump will not be the inexperienced incoming staffers of the 2017 presidency, but people who know what to do and how to do it, many with hard experience of the first Trump presidency.

They will know what to do so as to fit things around a golf-playing president.

Trump himself may not be busy, but those around him will be.

Brace, brace.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 8th November 20248th November 2024Categories Constitutional Law, Democracy, Elections and Voting, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United States Law and Policy22 Comments on The shapes of things to come – some thoughts and speculations on the possibilities of what can happen next

A postcard from the day of an election – capturing a political-constitutional moment

5th November 2024

Today is the day of the American presidential election.

Sooner or later there should be a result – even if, like four years ago, there is drama (or worse) all the way into the new year. And when there is some sort of result then there will be those who will explain why that was always the most likely result. Such is the nature of punditry.

But today, all is uncertain.

On the face of it, it would seem that Harris should win. Trump does not seem stronger than he did four years ago – or two years ago when his endorsed candidates did badly. He is also a more divisive figure than he was when he won eight years ago, and he is against a less divisive candidate.

But, we are not in times where such a rational view has much purchase. We are in a period of populism and hyper-partisanship and disinformation, of joyful cruelty and illiberal frenzy. One can too easily imagine Trump winning. Less likely things have happened in the United States and around the world in recent years.

And if so, we will have an extraordinary situation of a president with criminal sanctions and facing criminal trials using the might of his office to reduce his exposure to any proceedings.

And we will have a president who boasts of wanting to also use the might of his office against political enemies, both personal and general.

The only liberal hope would be that, again, he is too lazy to follow-through on his threats, and that the swings he takes will be on the golf course, and not from the Oval Office.

In the days, weeks and months to come, things may be clearer – though even that cannot be said with absolute certainty – but as of today, things are unclear and they are worrying.

So it seemed to be a moment worth recording, using this blogpost as a postcard.

And to adapt the wording of a postcard: I wish we weren’t here.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

 

Posted on 5th November 20245th November 2024Categories Democracy, Elections and Voting, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United States Law and Policy10 Comments on A postcard from the day of an election – capturing a political-constitutional moment

Seven changes for a better constitution? Some interesting proposals from some good people.

24th June 2024

In the Times today there is a letter published from various good sorts putting forward seven practical and easy-to-make steps for a better constitution.

One of the signatories, David Anderson, helpfully posted the letter on Twitter:

*

Of course, changes to form and structure can only take us so far. The biggest problem of recent years has been an underlying lack of constitutionalism from government ministers (cheered and clapped by their political supporters). And until attitudes change, then rules will always be gamed or ignored and discretions abused.

But, there has to be a start somewhere to repair the damage, and these are interesting proposals.

The suggestions appear to be:

  • independent enforcement of a new ministerial code;

  • establishing new systems for managing conflicts of interest;
  • ditto, for lobbying;
  • improving regulation of post-government employment;
  • ensuring appointments to the Lords are only made on merit;
  • ensuring other public appointments are rigorous and transparent; and
  • strengthening the independence of the honours system, including by ending prime ministerial patronage.

The worthies aver that legislation is not necessary for most of these changes but a short bill would create the necessary powers and embed the independence of the ethics and integrity system.

*

Some may say that these proposals are a little “apple pie” – but they would be a move in the right direction, the least that can be done.

Words like “ensuring” and “strengthening” are easy to type – and they are almost as easy to put at the start of a sterling bullet point.

But what is the actual check on misuse? Who in practice will have the power and authority to say “No” to a trespass by a minister of the crown (or by a former minister of the crown)?

The robustness of any regulatory system is not so much in the rules being themselves commendable, but in the rigorous enforcement of those rules and in the ready and realistic availability of sanctions for breach.

In a word: there needs to be tension.

And in our constitutional arrangements, as they stand, only parliament and the courts – rather than third party agencies – have the strength and the legitimacy to check the executive on an ongoing basis, and so for each of these seven laudable aims, one question is how they can be enforced against the government’s will by other strong and permanent elements of the state.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 24th June 2024Categories Constitutional Law, Constitutionalism, Courts and Politics, Legislation and Law-Making, Liberalism and Illiberalism, Parliament, Policy and Policy-Making, United Kingdom Law and Policy29 Comments on Seven changes for a better constitution? Some interesting proposals from some good people.

The strange omission in the Conservative manifesto: why is there no commitment to repeal the Human Rights Act?

12th June 2024

As each party manifesto is published online, and for my own easy amusement, I like to search the pdf for words like “enshrine” and “clear”.

And after that easy amusement, I look for more serious things.

Yesterday the Conservative manifesto was published.

(Many “clears” but disappointingly only one “enshrine”.)

What were the Conservatives were promising (threatening) this time for the Human Rights Act?

 

Doing something to this Act has been a mainstay of every Conservative general election manifesto for as long as I can remember.

But the search return was…

…0/0.

I am a clumsy typist and so I thought: a typo. Let me try again.

And it was still a nil return.

Something must be up with the search function, I thought.

And so I tried “ECHR”.

I even typed out in full the “European Convention on Human Rights” and the “European Court of Human Rights”.

Nil, nil.

How odd.

Could it be that the manifesto actually did not threaten the Act or the Convention?

Well.

A closer look revealed one fairly oblique mention:

Of course, the European Court of Human Rights is not meaningfully a foreign court: it has British judges, British lawyers can appear, British residents can petition the court or appeal cases there, and its caselaw can be relied on in our domestic courts. Foreign law usually is a matter of expert evidence, but Strasbourg case law is part of our own jurisprudence.

It is an international court, of which we are part, rather than a foreign court.

But that is by-the-by.

What is significant is not this sort-of commitment, but the lack of any other promises (or threats).

It is an astonishing, unexpected absence for a Conservative manifesto – perhaps the manifesto equivalent to leaving a D-Day commemoration early.

*

Over on Twitter, Adam Wagner noticed the same:

Of course, it must be noted that government has recently been disapplying the Act on a statute-by-statute basis, rather than making any full frontal attack.

But even taking that point at its highest, one would still expect an explicit manifesto commitment just for the claps and cheers of political and media supporters.

And this is a governing party that needs all the claps and cheers it can get.

It is a remarkable omission.

*

And one suspects it is an accidental omission, for the governing party has little to gain by leaving it out, and something to gain electorally (or at least hold on to) by leaving it in.

If so, the possible significance of the omission is that the Conservative leadership, having got bored with the pretence that the Act will ever be repealed or substantially amended, simply are not thinking about it any more.

Their minds have moved on to other “red meat” for their more illiberal supporters.

But what it also means is that, in the highly unlikely event of the Conservatives staying in government after 4 July 2024, there is no manifesto commitment they can rely on in forcing any changes to the Act through the House of Lords.

What that in turn means is that the Human Rights Act will now be safe for the lifetime of the next parliament, whatever happens at the general election.

And that itself is quite a thing.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 12th June 2024Categories Bill of Rights, Courts and Politics, Democracy, Elections and Voting, Human Rights and Civil Liberties, Legislation and Law-Making, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United Kingdom Law and Policy15 Comments on The strange omission in the Conservative manifesto: why is there no commitment to repeal the Human Rights Act?

Why Raab’s frontal attack on the Human Rights Act failed, and why the Home Office attack on human rights law is succeeding

25th April 2023

One big error by the former Lord Chancellor Dominic Raab was how he went about dealing with human rights law.

Raab insisted on outright repeal of the Human Rights Act 1998, and nothing else.

As this blog has previously averred, the Act was the Moby Dick to his Captain Ahab.

The Act had to go.

And this approach failed, even from an illiberal perspective.

For the Human Rights Act 1998 is still there, and Raab is not.

A more effective approach from an illiberal perspective is not the full repeal of the Act, but to slowly bit-by-bit reduce its effect and restrict its scope.

Take this simple clause 1(5) from the Illegal Migration Bill:

That is all that needs to be done.

For the Human Rights Act 1998 is only a statute, and what one statute provides another can take away.

The Act does not, from an illiberal perspective, need to be repealed: it can instead be subjected to dozens of similar “notwithstanding” clauses, in new legislation and amending old legislation.

There is no point in saying: don’t tell the government this!

Those in the government already know – that is why the Home Office lawyers have put that clause in the Bill.

They do not need Raab’s cavalry charge of full repeal: they can be more effective operating on the flanks, picking off targets as they choose.

Of course, if the government goes too far there may, perhaps, be an adverse adjudication by the European Court of Human Rights on such legislation.

But that would be a cost of government business, sometime down the road, and not something to prevent putting in such clauses now.

And the pushback against such clauses will be harder than defending an entire Act from repeal.

The government can and will be more savvy in its illiberalism.

And this is far more concerning, from a liberal perspective, than Raab’s futile whale-hunt.

The Human Rights Act 1998 may now be safe from repeal, but the reach of human rights law in primary legislation is certainly not safe from attack.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome, or if they risk derailing the discussion.

More on the comments policy is here.

Posted on 25th April 202325th April 2023Categories Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Civil Liberties, Legislation and Law-Making, Liberalism and Illiberalism, United Kingdom Law and Policy9 Comments on Why Raab’s frontal attack on the Human Rights Act failed, and why the Home Office attack on human rights law is succeeding

New Essay at Substack: Perhaps the most significant UK constitutional case of the last fifty years

6th January 2023

Over at my new law and lore Substack, I have published an essay for paying subscribers on how the Malone case of 1979-1985 exposed the lie of our supposedly liberal constitution and changed the way we were governed.

The essay starts as follows:

Consider this simple, attractive proposition: in the United Kingdom, you are free to do as you will, unless there is a law against it.

What could be wrong with such a nice proposition: it is almost a perfect articulation of principled liberalism.

But.

This proposition can have a hidden and ugly implication.

For it also can mean that the State can do as it wishes, to you and other people, unless there is a law against it.

And the case which exposed this unpleasant truth – and helped put an end to it, so that the State was required to have a legal basis for interfering with our lives – is the 1979-85 case of Malone.

This is the story of that case, and of its effects.

You can read the rest of the essay with a paid subscription here.

*

This essay is also being posted on Patreon for those who subscribe to this blog using that medium.

For those who subscribe and donate through either Patreon or PayPal, please leave a “PRIVATE” comment below confirming you want me to add your email address to the Substack system so you can have a one-year complementary subscription to the law and lore Substack.

It is important that nobody pays “twice” for my content.

Posted on 6th January 2023Categories Constitutional and Legal History, Constitutional Law, Courts and the administration of justice, Home Office, Human Rights and Civil Liberties, Liberalism and Illiberalism, Police and Policing, Transparency, United Kingdom Law and PolicyLeave a comment on New Essay at Substack: Perhaps the most significant UK constitutional case of the last fifty years

Re-visiting the “codified constitution” debate after the Johnson and Truss premierships

26th October 2022

From time to time it is worth revisiting the question of whether we should have a codified constitution.

For many the answer is self-evident.

Indeed, one sometimes cannot imagine a political situation in the United Kingdom where somebody, somewhere would not add “and this shows why we need a written constitution”, as if it were some universal panacea.

The view of this blog, as you may know, is more sceptical.

There is nothing inherently good or bad about a codified constitution: the test is is whether the constitution is liberal or illiberal.

In other words: whether or not the constitution tends to permit unchecked and unbalanced executive, judicial or legislative power.

Those constitutions which do not check and balance such powers tend to be illiberal, and those which do tend to check and balance such powers tend to be liberal.

The test, for me, of a constitution is not whether it is codified or not, but whether it is liberal.

And if we were to somehow have a codified constitution it should be at least as liberal as the current uncodified constitutional arrangements.

*

So: are our current constitutional arrangements liberal?

Some of you reading this will have Very Strong Opinions – and are undoubtedly and impatiently scrolling through this irksome post.

But.

Take a moment.

Here are three counter points to consider.

First, during Brexit, the Supreme Court twice stopped the executive from acting against the rights of parliament, in the two Miller cases.  And parliament itself was able to legislate for the Benn Act in the face of opposition from the executive.

Second, since 2016 the body politic has been able to regurgitate and spit out a sequence of Prime Ministers and other ministers who have been repugnant for one reason or another – Cameron, May, Johnson, Truss, and so on.

And third, and notwithstanding the nominal overall majority, we have ended up with, in effect, a hung parliament anyway.

If we were to have a more rigid, codified constitution that entrenches executive power, none of these things may have been the case.

We could, like in the United States, be stuck with a Trump-like politician for a term with only the clumsy and practically useless weapon of impeachment.

*

That said, there are problems.

For example – yes, we have been able to spit out a succession of repugnant politicians, but it is hardly to the credit of our constitutional arrangements that we have had such figures becoming Prime Minister in the first place.

And we are still only one competent tyrant (and a parliamentary majority) away from the “supremacy of parliament” being used to create Enabling Acts conferring wide discretionary powers on minsters that courts will have to accepts as being unchallengeable.

Our constitutional arrangements may be liberal in some respects, but there is still the scope for abuse, as well as it providing a framework for inadequate politicians to take (as well as lose) powerful jobs.

And recent years have shown the limits of the “good chap” approach of ministerial self-restraint, with Johnsonian anything-goes.

The counter-case is strong.

*

So there are reasons to be in favour of our current constitutional arrangements, but also reasons to be worried.

The next two years are, from a liberal and progressive perspective, likely to be grim – especially if the new Prime Minister and his cabinet are alert to avoiding the unforced errors of the last two Prime Ministers, and are able to “deliver” (ahem) their policy agenda.

We cannot always trust illiberal ministers to make easy mistakes.

And the next two years will be the real test of whether our constitutional arrangements are robust as well as liberal.

Brace, brace.

***

Comments Policy

This blog enjoys a high standard of comments, many of which are better and more interesting than the posts.

Comments are welcome, but they are pre-moderated and comments will not be published if irksome.

The comments policy is here.

Posted on 26th October 2022Categories Constitutional Law, Legislation and Law-Making, Liberalism and Illiberalism, Policy and Policy-Making, United Kingdom Law and Policy36 Comments on Re-visiting the “codified constitution” debate after the Johnson and Truss premierships

Posts pagination

Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Next page
Proudly powered by WordPress